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Zeke Hausfather: state of climate science, energy systems, post COP26, tipping points, tail risks | Podcast

November 22, 2021 Ben Yeoh

Zeke Hausfather is a climate scientist and energy systems analyst whose research focuses on observational temperature records, climate models, and mitigation technologies. He spent 10 years working as a data scientist and entrepreneur in the cleantech sector, where he was the lead data scientist at Essess, the chief scientist at C3.ai, and the cofounder and chief scientist of Efficiency 2.0. He also worked as a research scientist with Berkeley Earth, was the senior climate analyst at Project Drawdown, and the US analyst for Carbon Brief. Follow his Twitter for his climate thoughts.

We discuss:

What is most misunderstood about climate science today.

Why many doomsday scenarios are unlikely but yet serious damage from climate is happening now.

Why scientists have been poor in communicating what is mean by tipping points with respect to climate.

How he thinks about climate “tail risk” and how tail risk diminishes the less heating happens.

The problems with “averages” and how there is uncertainty not only about our amount of emissions, but the sensitivity of the climate to our emissions. 

Why climate is better thought of as a gradient rather than point thresholds.

The problem with climate economics due to time horizons, long time horizons and the discounting models economists use. 

Zeke’s thoughts on the range of different projections coming out post COP26 and what they mean. (Article link here)

Zeke’s view and under-rated/over-rated on:

  • degrowth 

  • carbon tax 

  • techno-optimists 

  • nuclear power

  • carbon offsetting

  • divestment movement

  • gas as a transition fuel

  • green New Deal

  • Bjorn Lomborg

Zeke finishes with advice for people who want to be involved in climate.

Listen to the podcast below or in your favourite podcast app. Transcript below.

PODCAST INFO

  • Apple Podcasts: https://apple.co/3gJTSuo

  • Spotify: https://sptfy.com/benyeoh

  • Anchor: https://anchor.fm/benjamin-yeoh


Zeke Hausfather Transcript (transcript is only lightly edited and not fully proof read for typos and errors)

Ben Yeoh (00:00): Hey everyone, I’m super excited to have Zeke Hausfather speaking with me today. Zeke is a climate scientist, so we're going to get all into climate. Zeke, welcome!

 

Zeke Hausfather (00:15): Thank you. It's great to be here.


Ben Yeoh (00:17): So, what do you think is most misunderstood about the state of climate science today. I guess I read a lot of stuff about what previously was thought of as business as usual. A lot of people referred to this kind of rcp 8.5 and it seems to me that the consensus of climate scientists is probably saying that that's not likely to happen as the kind of central case but I don't know whether what you thought about what maybe most misunderstood or perhaps most being challenged at the moment.


Zeke Hausfather (00:52) Sure. It's always hard to communicate all the nuances of climate science to a general audience. It's a very complicated field. The earth is an incredibly complicated system and there are a lot of big uncertainties in how the climate responds based on our emissions and so with that said, there are sort of two areas where I think there are often common misconceptions around climate. One is the extent to which climate change is inevitable. So, one area where there has been a lot of progress in recent years and this is something that was featured fairly heavily in the most recent intergovernmental panel on climate change report or IPCC report, is this question of how much warming is in the pipeline; how much warming is locked in today based on our past emissions of greenhouse gases. 


Zeke Hausfather (01:42): What's interesting is that previously there was a fairly widespread understanding that a certain amount of warming was locked in, and that's based on the fact that if you were to keep the amount of CO2 in the atmosphere constant for the next 100 years or so, you would indeed have another half a degree or so of warming on top of what we've already had today. The reason for that is because the oceans buffer the rate of warming of the earth's surface. Water can absorb an enormous amount of heat; upwards of 90 percent of all the heat being trapped by greenhouse gases today is going into the oceans and so the earth has warmed up considerably less than it would if it didn't have these oceans that are absorbing a ton of the extra heat that's being trapped by greenhouse gases. 


Zeke Hausfather (02:24): So, because of that, at current levels of greenhouse gases, as the oceans continue to heat up the surface will also continue to heat up but the important part of that and where it leads to some confusion is at current levels of greenhouse gases. Now the amount of greenhouse gases that are in the atmosphere depend in part on our historical emissions of greenhouse gases but also in our future emissions and so if we can actually get co2 emissions, in particular, all the way down to zero then the amount of co2 in the atmosphere doesn't stay flat it actually starts declining and the reason for that is because the oceans and the land is absorbing some of the co2 emitted in the past on an ongoing basis. The system will eventually reach a new equilibrium which will be higher than it was before we started emitting co2 but there still is a decent amount of co2 currently in the atmosphere that will be absorbed by natural sinks if we can get co2 emissions to zero. It turns out that the cooling that would cause falling levels of co2 in the atmosphere due to absorption by land and ocean carbon sinks is almost perfectly balanced out by the additional warming you get as the ocean come up to an equilibrium with the atmosphere and so the [Inaudible: 3:36] and across many different earth system models that we've run is that once you get co2 emissions all the way down to zero, global warming stops and that's good news and bad news. 


Zeke Hausfather (03:46) The bad news is, the earth does not cool back down, at least for many centuries to come once we get emissions to zero. So, we're sort of stuck with whatever level of warming we had when we finally get to net zero emissions. The good news though is that it means there's not any amount of warming that's inevitable. We can control how much warming we end up experiencing by when we get to net zero emissions. Now, I should note that there is some warming inevitable not for physical reasons but for economic reasons simply because we can't wave a magic wand and get all of our emissions to zero tomorrow. We're probably not going to be able to get global co2 emissions to zero before 2050 and so there's probably going to be about half a degree more warming simply because we can't reduce emissions fast enough due to technological and economic reasons but from a climate system perspective there's no additional warming that we experience once we get emissions all the way to zero. So, that's an area that I think we can help clear up some misunderstandings around and that is potentially pretty empowering for folks because it means we ultimately have control over the degree of warming that the earth experiences.


Zeke Hausfather (04:53) Then the other area which you sort of teed up earlier is around where we're headed in terms of emissions. About a decade ago, which is when the previous IPCC report came and a little before that in particular when the previous generation of emission scenarios were being created by researchers, it seemed we're in for a pretty dark climate future. Global emissions have increased by 30 percent over the 2000s and were increasing by three percent a year. Global coal use had almost doubled. China was building a new coal plant every three days and the idea that the 21st century would be dominated by coal and we could end up with doubling or even tripling emissions by the end of the century didn't seem that far-fetched and so 

those were scenarios where scientists thought we could end up at four or five C warming. 


Zeke Hausfather (05:42) Flash forward about a decade and we're in a very different world right now. Global coal use peaked back in 2013 and the IAA has recently estimated that it's in structural decline going forward. Clean energy like wind and solar is the cheapest new form of energy of the margin in many places around the world and global emissions have been relatively flat for the last decade. Fossil fuel emissions have been increasing by only about one percent compared to three percent for the prior decade and emissions from land use, according to our most recent estimates, have actually been slightly decreasing. Mostly balancing out the increase in fossil fuel use. So, it seems like the world is now entering a long plateau in emissions rather than continuing increasing emissions driven by a combination of falling clean energy prices and governments enacting stronger policies to actually start dealing with climate change in a much more meaningful way than they were a decade ago. 


Zeke Hausfather (06:36) Now, flat emissions still means that the level of co2 in the atmosphere is increasing. In fact, flat emissions means that the rate of warming stabilizes. So, the world keeps warming at not 0.2 C per decade rather than the warming accelerating, which is still not a very good outcome. We don't want warming to continue at its same pace. We want warming to slow down and ultimately stop and for that to happen we don't just need to flatten our emissions; we need to get them all the way down to zero. But this flattening of emissions means that the world we're heading toward right now is probably one of around three degrees warming or a little below three degrees under policies in place today rather than the four or five degrees that seems plausible a decade ago and that's good news. A three-degree world is certainly still not one we want to live in. It would have catastrophic impacts for some human and natural systems and the world doesn't end in 2100 even though our models do. The world of flat emissions after 2100 would still reach 4 degrees by 2150 and potentially even 5 degrees by 2200. 


Zeke Hausfather (07:38) So, it doesn't change the fact that we ultimately need to get emissions down to zero. But it is good news and it means that it's much easier to envision a world where we sort of further bend the curve of emissions down to meet Paris agreement goals of limiting warming to well below two degrees than it was in a world where we were still headed for four or five degrees warming. So, I think that's been a really big change over the last few years a really big realization by the sort of climate science and energy modeling community and it has led to us starting to focus a bit more in terms of the impacts of a three-degree world rather than a four- or five-degree worlds that we tended to focus on a lot in the last decade. 


Ben Yeoh (08:19): Okay, that makes a lot of sense. It's a kind of nuanced message actually from climate science because on the one hand you don't want to play down the fact that these are serious risks and we need to take them very seriously because you still have climate denial and people who are not. On the one hand you also don't want to say that actually those doomsday scenarios which were actually looking plausible 10 or 20 years ago are no longer looking so plausible, because from my view you often get these people who have what I would call learned-helplessness. If you think you're going to be doomed then you kind of do nothing and you see some of this in surveys where you're saying “oh some children are thinking it's doomsday and so why should we try anything?” So, it's kind of like we need to take them seriously but actually we have done a lot of progress in 10 years. Is that kind of a reasonable summation of what something is a little bit more nuanced?


Zeke Hausfather (09:15): I think so. It's important to emphasize that we already are seeing dangerous effects of climate change today; at 1.2 c in global warming. Where I live in California, we now have a smoky season and a fire season because every year we're seeing worse and worse catastrophic wildfires. We've seen extreme heat waves beyond anything people predicted in the pacific northwest earlier this year, flooding across Europe and China and parts of the U.S. We're really already starting to see climate impacts in a big way where we are today and so if you double that amount of warming or more than double that amount of warming too close to three degrees, it's not a world we want to live in. It's not one that's probably the end of the world or like the end of the human civilization or anything quite that dramatic but it certainly is not a world we want to leave to future generations. 


Zeke Hausfather (10:08): It's also worth emphasizing that our emissions are only one of three different uncertainties that we as scientists grapple with when we're trying to figure out how the planet will warm in the future. The other two are the sensitivity of the climate to our emissions, so essentially how much warming do you get as the amount of [green house gases] increases in the atmosphere and the reason that is uncertain is because there's lots of different feedbacks of the earth system. So, as the planet warms you have more evaporation, you have more water vapor in the atmosphere that can stay there before it precipitates out, water vapors, greenhouse gas, it enhances the amount of warming we get, you have melting ice sheets and sea ice that reveal darker surfaces underneath that absorb more of the sun's rays and change what we call the albedo of the planet. You have changes in cloud formations that depending on how they interact, can either lead to more or less warming and so none of these things are known precisely. We have a good understanding of many of them, but it still means that when we're trying to estimate how much the climate will warm as a result of increasing co2 in the atmosphere, we end up with this range and we've narrowed that range in recent years but it still has a range.


Zeke Hausfather (11:14):  For example, in the most recent IPCC report we said that if we double the amount of co2 in the atmosphere and wait till the system reaches equilibrium as the ocean warms up to match that we'll end up with somewhere between 2.5 and 4 degrees of warming. That's sort of our likely range, so one sigma if you will, the two-sigma range is, I think two to five degrees warming and so we still don't know precisely where in that range we’ll land and then the other uncertainty we have to deal with is what we call carbon cycle feedbacks. So, right now when we emit co2 into the atmosphere about half of it or a little bit more than half that actually is absorbed by the oceans and the land and that's a really good thing. Climate change would be more than twice as bad if the earth was not absorbing some of the emissions that we're putting up today but the ability of the earth to absorb those emissions, the ability of the ocean to keep taking up some of our extra co2, the ability of the land to increase forested area, increase leaf size as a response to just a quest for more co2 in the soil. All of that can be affected by the warming of the planet. 


Zeke Hausfather (12:19): For example, when the oceans become more acidic as they're absorbing co2 that can actually decrease the ability of surface waters to absorb more co2 from the atmosphere. Similarly, as the land warms, we see more catastrophic wildfires as we're having here on the west coast. We see more soil moisture evaporation which can lead to carbon loss from soils and so we expect the ability of the biosphere and the oceans to absorb our extra emissions will decrease as the earth warms. Exactly how much, however, is a little bit uncertain. So, when you put together those different uncertainties, even though we say we're on track for a world of just under three degrees warming today under current policies, we can't rule out the chance that that might be 40 degrees warming instead. It might only be a five percent chance we end up at four degrees under current policies today but that’s a pretty big risk to take and so it's not just the central warming estimates that we should talk about, even though we tend to focus on them a lot. It’s these tail risks that can really dominate the potential impacts because the damages associated with climate change are very non-linear. Three degrees is much worse than two degrees, four degrees is much, much, much, worse than three degrees across many different systems.


Zeke Hausfather (13:33): Finally, I should mention that when we talk about these global average warming levels, we're doing ourselves a little bit of a disservice. No one lives in the global average. In fact, the global average is mostly oceans and on the land areas where we all live, the rate of warming we've experienced has been much higher. In fact, over the last 150 years the land areas have warmed about 50 percent faster than the world as a whole and almost twice as fast or 70 or so percent faster than the oceans and so even though the world as a whole has warmed by only about 1.2c since pre-industrial times, the land areas on average have warmed by about 1.9 degrees and we expect that difference to continue as the world warms. So, that means a three-degree c future is really a four and a half degrees c future on average of the land areas where people tend to actually live and even more than that in high latitude areas. So, you can start seeing some really big changes associated with these. What seems at least when you hear them are relatively modest changes in the global mean. I like to use to ground myself on this like the last ice age which I think everyone would recognize as a very different planet than we have today. It was only about five to seven degrees c cooler in terms of global average temperatures than our current climate today and so we could end up sort of half an ice age unit difference in warming under current policies or more by the end of the century which is a huge change for our planet.


Ben Yeoh (15:08): Sure. I mean that puts a lot in perspective, that’s risen so many questions in my head which is great. So, I work a lot with models and we kind of know that every single model is always wrong so I sometimes get a bit worried about this point estimate. I think the things you sort of said are actually giving us a slight guide to something which is quite complex. One question which comes up that I’m asked is what are the chances of a kind of feedback loop which gets too so-called I guess people call these tipping points but something which is so bad that we kind of end up in another kind of another kind of phase. My reading of the literature suggests that within a say at least a three-degree band sort of the tipping points which would seem to be very catastrophic that some people talk about, don't seem to be likely. I’m not sure if I’ve read that properly and then are there tail risks on either side of that and then my second one on the tail risks is, I guess this is on the slightly hopeful as well as the other side is I can't tell and there seems to be things about how symmetrical or not these tell risks are and I guess people don't really know but is it plausible that we could also hit some really good things as well as some really bad things although I guess the good things are more likely to come from innovation breakthroughs but they I might also happen on the landmark side. Maybe I’ll stop there because I’ve got something about the differences also and the fact that it's not equal over the land mass either. 


Ben Yeoh (16:39): Some places are going to be really hit hard and actually some places might even do a little bit better which is one of the really difficult things to grapple with across the whole globe but maybe the first one is yeah, this idea on tipping points is a kind of tipping point risk to the downside likely within a three degree or four-degree sort of range or what's your view of the reading of the science yeah


Zeke Hausfather (17:01): So, tipping points is an area where I think we as a scientific community have not done a great job of communicating to the general public because when people think of tipping points, they think of sort of everything is fine. You suddenly pass a point where everything falls apart, we go to hell in a handbasket of runaway global warming, the earth becomes Venus, the oceans evaporate. Wow it’s us, that's not going to happen but at the same time there are real points where you start to see big changes, particularly to specific ecosystems and I think the story around tipping points is less a global snowballing of climate change then the more a series of very impactful regional effects that can happen as the earth warms. Some of them then contribute to additional warming going forward. Some tipping points that we have a lot of confidence about are things like coral reefs, so coral can only generally survive in a fairly narrow temperature band that's adapted to. Corals can evolve over time but the rate of change we're seeing right now is much faster than has been experienced in much of the earth's history and so if you have more than 1.5 to 2 degrees warming most reefs in the world are going to be gone and reefs provide a huge benefit to fisheries, to coastal protection, tourism revenue for islands uh there's a lot of really negative impacts uh when coral reefs disappear uh and  at 1.5 degrees many of them are in great peril and at two degrees most of them are gone barring a few specific locations that have unique characteristics like cold water upwelling or other things that can lead the reefs to be more preserved. 


Zeke Hausfather (18:38) A similar type of regional effect is that areas of the Amazon that are already under a lot of pressure from deforestation. With a two degree plus warming world could start to transition into more of a savannah type ecosystem, it could be tough to restore back to a tropical rainforest in the future and that’s due to the interaction of climate change and deforestation and so by tackling either of those you can reduce the risk of that but certainly you could see some sort of ecosystem phase shifts like that. Similarly, Boreal forests are subject to a lot of stressors. Wildfires are going to reach further and further north as the world warms. Vegetative cover is going to change in those regions which can have big effects on the local climate there. There are potential changes in monsoon patterns that are a lot more uncertain. There's a slowdown of the thermohaline circulation that's been observed that's projected to continue even if an abrupt collapse seems unlikely and that can have a big effect on regional rainfall patterns. It can actually lead to some regional cooling in parts of northern Europe though that would be overwhelmed by the longer term warming we'd experience in that world. So, you'd have a bit less warming in those regions. Arctic sea ice is likely to disappear in the summer around 1.5 degrees or a little below which kind of has big effects on the ecosystems there and then, the permafrost in the arctic. So, there's an enormous amount of carbon and sort of vegetative matter in the soils that's frozen in the north and as those regions warm those start to melt and release methane and carbon dioxide.


Zeke Hausfather (20:11): Now in most cases these are somewhat gradual processes so it's not like you reach a certain point and suddenly there's the methane bomb and all the methane and carbon dioxide from permafrost goes up in the air at once. It's more the lower latitude areas start falling faster than the higher latitude areas south facing surfaces thought faster than north facing surfaces and so you get a more gradual response than the popular conception would lead you to believe but importantly a lot of these systems that we call tipping points are characterized by hysteresis and what hysteresis means is that once you start changing it, it's much more difficult to reverse it so ice sheets are good example here. There's a lot of ice sheet dynamics where you could have very rapid ice sheet loss in places like Antarctic and Greenland as the world warms and you'd have to cool temperatures back well below pre-industrial levels to get most of those ice sheets back once they’ve started to disintegrate so again it's less about a cliff we fall off and more a slippery slope we start going down. The net effect of all these changes is going to have a lot of big regional impacts. It's going to lead to some long-term additional global climate change due to things like more CO2 emissions and to a lesser extent methane emission but because the methane is slowly emitted the CO2 effect is much bigger from permafrost. Changes in albedo associated SIS los though a lot of that is already included in our models and our future projections but a few of these tipping points that we've identified really have the likelihood to lead to a substantial amount of additional warming beyond what is already in our models today at least in worlds that warm say three degrees or less.


Zeke Hausfather (22:11):  It becomes a little bit more challenging to project exactly what will happen once we start getting beyond that. The last interglacial period was probably about a degree warmer than where we are today so a little under three degrees and we didn't see obviously C levels are 80 meters higher or whatever than they were today we saw some very long-term major earth system changes. But we didn't see any sort of runaway temperature change or very large temperature feedbacks in the last interglacial and so that kind of gives us a reasonable amount of hope that we're not going to see similar types of very large changes at under three degrees warming. Once you get past that you sort of get more into the world of the unknown. You're in a climate that is sort of unprecedented at least for the last three to 12 million years and then the odds of bigger surprises become larger. 


Zeke Hausfather (23:04): An example of this is there's a paper by Tapio Schneider and his team at Caltech a couple years back where they looked at what happens under very high warming scenarios so say a world of 1200 parts per million co2  5c warming above pre-industrial and what they found is that beyond a certain point you start losing much of the stratocumulus cloud decks that cover the world's oceans over the course of  a few years and that leads to another 6c warming on top of the 5z warming you already have over the course of a decade or two. That's the sort of catastrophic tipping point. Now obviously that was a very simple model that didn't have global coverage and there's a lot of scientific debate over how accurate those sorts of things are but the odds of those sorts of surprises become notably higher in a world of four or five degrees warming than the worlds under three degrees warming. It's a very good incentive to try to limit warming as much as possible. They're also and I should mention this because I think it's an important point, as we reduce our emissions the tail risks fall faster than the mean risk. That is to say the odds of four degrees warming fall faster than the odds of three degrees warming where sort of the 95th percentile of warming outcomes falls faster than the 50th percentile which is good and it means we can minimize these tail risks by reducing our emissions in a way that's important. 


Zeke Hausfather (24:34): As to your other question about good surprises, certainly when we talk about uncertainties in the climate system, like climate sensitivity and carbon cycle feedbacks, those uncertainties work both ways. We run our models based on; at least for carbon cycle, feedback, the central estimate and the models themselves of a wide range of client sensitivities but it certainly is possible that we could think we're in store for a three-degree world and end up in a two degree one. Just like we could think we're in store for a three-degree world and end up in a four degree one. The challenge is that because the damages of warming are so asymmetric, that risk of four degrees influences our calculus in a way that's much more important than a risk of getting lucky and only ending up two degrees. So, when it comes to climate change uncertainty is decidedly not our friend even if it means we could get lucky and end up beating our climate goals when we don't expect to.


Ben Yeoh (25:30): Yeah, okay. That makes a lot of sense.


Zeke Hausfather (25:32): I’m sorry, I forgot your last question.


Ben Yeoh (25:33): Well, we have referred to it a little bit. It was the downsides of having just point estimates and I partly think of that because I had a couple of people tell me “oh if we don't hit 1.5 like well that's it then isn't it” and this is idea of like no actually  1.6 is better than 1.7 and it's better than 1.8 for the reasons that you give because not only is your mean temperature down but your tail risk has gone from being fat tails to hopefully thin tails or non-existent tails so that everything matters and the kind of the simplicity of the message of a number I can see has really resonated and has got people through. But, then that has partially overclouded some of the nuance which is then led to these kind of interesting other kind of debates and I didn't really know whether we’re to pull down on it except that it did seem that some people and I guess some people not in good faith but then some also in good faith are slightly just misinterpreting about how you can use a point estimate because you need to use it in the context of everything else and that doesn't go easily within a tweet or something like that.


Zeke Hausfather (26:45): Yeah, okay. So, what I like to say is that climate change is ultimately a matter of degrees rather than thresholds. There are no specific points that we know of where things go from fine to bad or bad to catastrophic. It's a gradient and that's true across most of the things we consider tipping points for that matter. There's not a single point where the system goes from fine to bad. It gets progressively worse with more and more hysteresis in some of these systems I think it's a bit of an unfortunate side effect of the way that we've created these global climate targets that they've become interpreted by a lot of people as thresholds, whereas in reality they are somewhat arbitrary constructs. We have a lot of literature about how two degrees is worse than one point five degrees and three degrees is worse than two degrees. But again, it doesn't go from there's none of these impacts to suddenly there's all these impacts when you pass 1.5 or when you pass 2.5. They're all getting gradually worse between those and so we really need to try to emphasize to people that every tenth of a degree matters. That even if we can't limit warming to 1.5 degrees which, if I’m going to be perfectly honest, we're not going to limit warming to 1.5 degrees and we can dive into that in a little bit if you want, it doesn't mean the world's going to end, it doesn't mean we should give up hope. It means it's all the more important that we limit warming to 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, wherever we can get that isn't three degrees or four degrees.


Zeke Hausfather (28:07): Again, part of that is around the minimization of tail risks because a best estimate of 1.8 could be 2.5 degrees if we're really unlucky with some of these climate system uncertainties. So, the further we can bring that point estimate down, the more we're minimizing these tail risk outcomes.


Ben Yeoh (28:25): Sure, that makes a lot of sense. We'll come back to your 1.5 and maybe also to cop 26 as well but one extension of this which I was intrigued from your view because it's a little bit further along from your work is what I would call climate economics and to tell you the truth I haven't been super impressed by some of the economics papers but maybe that's because I also don't really understand what they're trying to say. Some of the economics suggest, when they try and pass this into something like GDP, that you're talking about kind of a 10 percent impact on GDP or global GDP which is actually quite a lot but kind of seems manageable particularly if you mitigate and adapt. But it doesn't seem to have accounted for some of the things that you've talked about like localized tipping points or the fact that some countries might be completely devastated that that falls unequal on the world. Plus, when I look at their models, I’m just like well there's so many assumptions in there. I just feel it's even more uncertain than where we've got from some of the climate model stuff which actually in essential scenarios and a lot of you guys are doing the modeling kind of agreeing about where we're pointing. Whereas, that doesn't seem to be when they're trying to translate that into the kind of economics part. Do you have any view on how it's translating into economics or how climate economics are thinking about this? 


Zeke Hausfather (29:49): Climate economics is a challenging field because you're looking at such long-time horizons and such big uncertainties, both in terms of how the climate will change but also in terms of how our societies will change. I think it can be instructive at times, but like a lot of applications of economics, there's a danger in interpreting it and over emphasizing certain economics outcomes for these very distant futures. It's really hard to model the impacts of climate change in the economy. Historically a lot of economic assessments of climate damages have been dominated by agricultural impacts because they're one of the easier things to try to model through climate change. Sometimes, sea level rise impacts but we don't really have good estimates on like what are the cause of increased wildfires, what are the costs of increased tropical cyclone intensities and rainfall, what are the cost of tree mortality from like prime bark beetles spreading or disease vectors increasing or any of the myriad of other impacts of climate change, both known and potentially unknown as we rapidly end up in a future world. 


Zeke Hausfather (31:03): There's also these very thorny issues you get into when you're looking at climate impacts in the economics literature around discounting. There is certainly a justification in economics to discount future earnings versus current earnings and discount future damages versus current damages with the assumption the world is going to be richer in the future and those will be relatively smaller in terms of their welfare impacts but it gets tricky when you start talking about intergenerational problems like this. There have been some big thinkers, Kenneth Arrow comes to mind, and a few other folks have really written compellingly on this question of intergenerational discounting and equity and how to best treat that. Oftentimes, the discount rate, more than any other factor in these sorts of economic models of climate change really dominates the solution space, in terms of does your optimal outcome become two degrees warming or 3.6 degrees warming or whatever and so I think it can be a useful exercise but I think we should take it with a veritable boulder of salt particularly when we look at very long-time horizons.


Zeke Hausfather (32:03):  The other thing that has been useful coming out of the economics literature is the interesting interactions of socioeconomics and climate damages. So, in the latest IPCC report, we introduced a new set of scenarios called the shared source economic pathways or the SSP’s and what's interesting about them is they look at five different sort of socio-economic and technological futures for the planet and within each of those different pathways, we look at what would the world look like under different mitigations. So, what if we do nothing about climate change all the way down to what if we try to limit warming to one and a half degrees. By doing that you can look at the impacts of a particular level of climate change across different sets of possible futures. So, if you're looking at a three-degree warming world, you look at a three-degree warming world in the context of a world where everyone is rich and equal. Where we have almost no poverty, where there's really very little difference between rich and poor countries by the end of the century, where everyone is very technologically advanced, there's a lot of adaptive capacity. A three-degree world still ranks havoc on natural systems. Humanity can mostly adapt to that, whereas if you look at a different pathway a world that has very high population growth, low economic growth there's very high inequality regional conflicts isolationism. That's a world where three degrees is much more damaging because there's huge amounts of the world that does not have access to adaptive capacity, that doesn't have access to the resources needed to build sea walls, to install air conditioning, to genetically engineer crops to be heat tolerant, to keep people indoors and out of the sun on extreme heat events. So, I think the economic literature does help us in terms of those interactions because they are very important and we can't really ignore them but at the same time it does a disservice when we interpret it too literally, given the huge uncertainties and what the damages of climate change will ultimately be and how societies will respond to them.


Ben Yeoh (33:56): That makes a lot of sense although I do know a couple of economists who basically, say if you don't really discount future generations, you treat future generations how you'd want to treat yourself, like you treat your children grandchildren and great friend, how yourself then that slightly answers the solution because you get to this same answer which is actually you want to do an awful lot because you want to give future generations essentially what you want to give yourselves.


Zeke Hausfather (34:23):  I didn't mean to paint all the plain economists with the [same brush] 


Ben Yeoh (34:26): Well, it's complicated like you say.


Zeke Hausfather (34:27): Like Fran Moore and Gary Wagoner and a number of those other folks are doing really good work around these tough issues.


Ben Yeoh (34:35): Like say long term discounting, you get a certain set of answers from it which is what the models and things say but it's very hard like discounting up to 2100 right? You learn a lot of things which we are definitely going to be wrong about. Maybe, that's a good segue into cop 26 and perhaps my question here would be is what did you take away from it which was kind of positive or and what did you take away which was maybe a little bit disappointing? I was kind of intrigued by some of the analysis there's been a couple of kind of snap analysis one by IEA another by climate resources and things saying well if we meet all of these commitments and things we could be looking at a sub two degree world like 1.8, 1.9 and then you had a lot of critics saying well a lot of those commitments just don't seem to be really realistic so that probably means we're not going to hit and we're not going to hit sub two and then counter to that would be kind of what you've suggested is but  direction of travel is really good and 10 years ago we wouldn't have thought that we were there. So, that's perhaps a segue into why you may or may not think 1.5 is achievable, actually sub 2 might be plausible but may be seen through the lens of any positive things coming out of cop 26 and any things you thought were a bit more disappointing.


Zeke Hausfather (35:52) Yeah, I should mention that I was in Glasgow and I actually put together an analysis with Piers Forster at the University of Leeds where we looked at all of these different projections that were coming out from climate action track or the IA, climate resources, the United Nations Environmental program et cetera during COP26. Instead of comparing and contrasting them and discussing these sorts of different scenarios, I’m happy to tie to link to that but ultimately, I think cop26 moved the needle in the right direction in an important way even if it wasn't a breakthrough moment in the way that say Paris wants but I also think people had somewhat unrealistic expectations going into it. The cop process was never set up to be, the world sits around it does nothing and suddenly we all get together and announce some giant breakthrough. 


Zeke Hausfather (36:42): The way the system is set up is that countries update their commitments in the lead up to cop 26 and then there might be some small new announcements during the cop itself but it's mostly sort of working through all these thorny issues around climate finance and adaptation funding. The way carbon markets are going to work and be managed, the way you deal with forest accounting and emissions reporting and all these other sorts of gnarly details, some of which are quite important around the implementation of the Paris framework. And so, we did see some meaningful new commitments a cop. The global methane pledge definitely moved the needle more than most things. There’s an important pledge by Vietnam and South Korea and other countries to accelerate their coal phase out schedules. There was a compact and deforestation, and there were some announcements around electric vehicles that were important. There are some updates to NBDC’s (Nationally Determined Contributions) the sort of promises countries makes under the Paris agreement to reduce their emissions. 


Zeke Hausfather (37:48) In particular we saw some new net zero commitments that were quite impressive from India, that if implemented, can move the needle and so sort of where we are coming out of cop is that going into the conference, the world was on track for about 2.6 or 2.7 C warming best estimate, plus or minus one degree c based on climate system uncertainties. Under policies in place today and under sort of 20, 30 commitments under the Paris agreement, we're on track for probably around 2.4 degrees warming globally, if all countries met their 2030 pledges and then maybe about two degrees warming if countries met their sort of longer term 2050, 2060 net zero commitments or net zero promises. Again, those latter categories should be heavily discounted. It's easy for leaders to say they're going to do something 30, 40, 50 years in the future when they're not going to be in power or in most cases even alive, it's a lot harder to actually  deliver on that and the extent to which we should take those long-term promises seriously really depend on the extent where they're reflected in near-term commitments and there we definitely have seen a big gap between these sort of long-term promises countries have made and their near-term commitments but sort of coming out of cop26  we moved the needle in a few different ways.


Zeke Hausfather (39:00): In terms of these near-term commitments, so back in 2020, a year ago, the climate action tracker which is probably the best source for these projections said that 2030 commitments put us on track for about 2.60 warming by 2100. Going into cop26, updates over the past year as countries submitted new NDC’s brought that down to about 2.4 degrees if you add on top of that some small NDC updates at cop26, the new methane fledge, the coal phase out, the deforestation pledge that might shave another tenth of a degree C off 2100 outcomes, you're down to about 2.3 c and again every 10th of degree matters. Similarly, if you look at these long-term net zero pledges going into cop our best estimate was around 2 or 2.1 c outcome in 2100 with the new commitment by India and a few other countries, that's dropped down to about 1.8 degrees c if all of these net zero commitments are met. Which would be the first time we've really seen pledges by countries to do things on the ground that would result in less than two degrees warming globally and about a two and three chance of avoiding two degrees warming globally, which is significant. 


Zeke Hausfather (40:15): There is some good news in that front but again it's this gap between long-term ambition and near-term commitments that's really worrying and countries like China, Like India in to an extent even rich countries like Japan, Australia, the U.S. need to do more in terms of near-term commitments to put us on track to get to these sort of net zero promises and I think that's going to be really the task in the lead up to cop 27 next year is firming up these short-term commitments and really  bringing them in line with the emission reduction pathways needed to meet these long-term net zero promises. So that's the good news. The bad news is that I think coming into cop 26, the idea of limiting warming to 1.5 degrees on life support, nothing's impossible but I think it's becoming harder to imagine a world where we actually take action fast enough to limit warming to 1.5 degrees. At least in the absence of a very large amount of negative emissions later in this century or next century. So, if we want to limit global temperatures to 1.5 degrees with a reasonable chance of doing so, ends not overshooting it by much and even these scenarios have some overshoot they usually end up peaking temperatures at 1.60, we would have to reduce global emissions by about 45 percent in the next decade and no one is making commitments to that today. 


Zeke Hausfather (41:47) Some rich countries like the US, the EU and the UK have committed to reduce their emissions by 50 percent but you can't expect countries like India or sub-Saharan Africa or Indonesia or even Brazil to make similar types of commitments given the rapidly growing economies given the need to lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. So, a world where you actually had a 45 reduction by 2030 involved much greater reductions in the rich world and bigger reductions in the developing world than we're seeing today and no one seems to be willing to commit to that right now and so in the absence of those sort of commitments it's just really hard to see a scenario where 1.5 stays alive. Now what you could have been a world where we do end up having some strengthening of commitments. We end up in a pathway for maybe 1.7c by the middle of the century and then the rich world promises in a big way to invest in carbon removal. So actively sucking carbon out of the atmosphere such that by the end of the century we're maybe removing half of what we emit today in addition to minimizing our emissions globally and getting that as close to zero as possible. In that sort of world, you could have an overshoot by a couple tenths of degree in the middle of the century and then ultimately end up around 1.5 by the end of the century and to be honest that's what a lot of the models in the IPCC for example that actually get to 1.5 degrees tend to do.


Zeke Hausfather (43:06): Of course, the challenge with that is you're talking about a sort of planetary scale engineering challenge later in the century with technology that's very needed today and so while it would be great if that ends up panning out then I think we should invest a lot more money and see if we can make that technology cheaper because it is going to have to be part of the solution. It's also very dangerous to bet on and to sort of give people false hope that we'll necessarily have a route to get there. So, in my view we're so close to 1.5 degrees, today we're at 1.2, today the remaining carbon budget is so small that at this point limiting warming to below 1.5 degrees without overshooting the target is pretty much dead and I think the extent to which we do have hope to ultimately get temperatures down to 1.5 degrees is going to end up depending a lot on carbon removal technologies and how fast we can get our emissions to zero to minimize the amount of overshoot we have.


Ben Yeoh (44:00): Sure, that makes a lot of sense. I guess then I’d be interested in your thoughts on what the degrowth movement would think. They came at it saying well we've got to do that and de-growth is the answer but it seems to me, particularly seeing through the pandemic and seeing that and seeing the fact that you've got to lift so many people out of poverty, I guess the kind of economic consensus is that d growth really doesn't work for that and then you end up maybe on the super optimistic end of a kind of I guess what would the d-growth people say. They'd say oh you just got tech bros where innovation saves the world and I guess you had a little bit of a pushback from d-growth with the sort of eco-modernist type of ideas and things coming up and like the tension between the two. Maybe you would have some comments on that from your position about to what elements d growth is just really unrealistic or are there any things we can take away from that and what elements are we too optimistic or not optimistic enough from what innovation and tech could maybe bring us.


Zeke Hausfather (45:08): Yeah. I mean on the question of degrowth what is ultimately limiting our ability to reduce emissions today is not the scenarios that climate scientists are putting together or energy modelers putting together. It's both the cost of clean energy technologies and the political willingness to take action rapidly to reduce emissions if it comes at a cost to society and I think the biggest problem with degrowth is it's hard to see how that moves the needle in that problem. It's not a popular thing. There's not a huge movement to support policies that shrink our economy and reduce jobs or otherwise. So much of what makes our politicians popular today is promises of growth and so it just strikes me as kind of a dead end, in terms of actually getting near-term action on climate change barring some sort of global consciousness shift around the issue that we're seeing very little signs of today.


Zeke Hausfather (46:10): I think there's a real challenge on political salience that has to be addressed. The other challenge of course is that most future emissions growth comes from countries that are poor today where economic growth is in fact essential to lift hundreds of billions of people out of poverty and so we actually have seen most rich countries starting to reduce their emissions over the past decade. I think 32 countries have now seen falling emissions despite rising GDP and in some cases like the UK they've fallen close to 50 percent already. So, I think we do have a pathway where we can reduce emissions in a way that isn't politically toxic, in a way that doesn't lead to hardship for people and in a way that can potentially create a path for countries that are poor today to follow in the footsteps. Countries like India are only going to make a net zero commitment or even a country like China for that matter. If they see a way to do so that does not put at risk their development trajectory and I think the fact that they are willing to make those commitments now is in many ways due to the fact that climate mitigation is seen as much cheaper today and much less damaging to the economy today than it was a decade ago, in large part, due to the progress we've made in reducing the cost of clean energy and I’m not going to defend excess consumption in rich countries per se, it's not the hill I choose to die on. 


Zeke Hausfather (47:46): Certainly, if people want to create a movement for people to fly less, for people to drive smaller cars, for people to take voluntary measures to reduce their own environmental impact by eating less meat that's all-good stuff. I don't think we're going to have the political buy-in to actually ban hamburgers, for example, in rich countries anytime soon and so I’m much more optimistic about changing emissions in those sorts of sectors by creating viable alternatives for people. Personally I have switched from eating beef for the most part to eating impossible beef because I think it tastes just as good, might cost a dollar more per patty but it's an alternative that I can stick into the same dishes that doesn't involve a huge change and that has a tiny fraction of the climate impact of eating beef and so the more we can develop those sort of solutions that can sort of slot into our lives as they are today, I think the more seamless and rapid transition we'll see rather than asking people to fundamentally change their way of life and in some cases we may have to push bigger shifts in sectors where there are no other alternatives but I think so far we've had a pretty good track record of finding alternatives that  have many of the same benefits of the uses of fossil fuels that people enjoy today.


Zeke Hausfather (49:02): At the same time, I think there definitely is a risk of being sort of too techno-optimists. There is a column by Thomas Friedman, times yesterday that definitely fell into this trap it's like we need more Elon Musk and nuclear fusion is the future which is not to say that we don't need more innovators and throwing tons of money around into clean energy solutions and even long-term things like fusion is a bad idea. It's just that looking at those in isolation and seeing technology and sort of entrepreneurship in the free market is somehow divorced from the policy context is problematic and dangerous. A lot of or almost all of the technologies that are mature today that reduce our emissions from wind to solar to electric vehicles to nuclear fusion, which is potentially on the rise in the next two decades out of an enormous amount of government research policy support. And so, yes, we need to spend more money on innovative technology and the fact that the private sector is throwing a tsunami of money at this technology right now is a good thing. Just last week, Rivian, an electric automobile company went public here in the US. Despite having never sold a vehicle they now are more valuable than Ford Motor company in terms of their valuation.


Ben Yeoh (50:23): 180 billion market value.


Zeke Hausfather (50:24): Yeah, which is ridiculous uh but it’s certainly a sign that the market sees this as the future they're willing to throw huge amounts of money after it and it's going to accelerate your transition. But in the absence of policy, it's not going to happen fast enough and so I think if you're a techno optimist you can make the case for maybe 2.5-degree world or maybe even 2.3, 2.2-degree world is something that could come out. In a world where we had relatively limited policy but a huge amount of innovation and sort of optimism around technology but it's going to be very hard to go below two degrees without real government action to internalize externalities to subsidize the adoption of these technologies and to build a lot of the sort of support systems necessary for these technologies to scale. Renewable energy is actually a great example here. Wind and solar costs have fallen tremendously but they face real challenges to scaling up in the absence of large-scale public investments in transmission, for example and reform to environmental laws to more easily permit those and accelerate them. Investments in battery storage and other ancillary grid services so there is a need for more innovation and more private sector work in this and we are seeing a lot of positive science there but we also need a lot more government policy support to really get us the speed of the transition that we need to meet our client goals.


Ben Yeoh (51:45): Great! Okay, that makes a lot of sense to me. My son now eats impossible meat rather than normal burgers because he thinks it's pretty much the same and I guess Bill Gates has been going on and on about this although maybe he's a tiny bit techno-optimist as well. Maybe we'll have a quick-fire kind of overrated or underrated section or you could just do a quick comment because some of it is some kind of either or not. If you find it interesting, we can do it, so I’ll shoot out a phrase or an idea and you can go oh I think that's overrated because of X or underrated because of Y so we'll start with maybe one that you mentioned which is nuclear power but maybe particularly mini nukes. Do you think this is maybe overrated or underrated or any thoughts?


Zeke Hausfather (52:34): Depends a lot on who you talk to. Yeah, I’d say, probably overall a little underrated in part because one thing that's come out of the energy modeling world in the last few years is that there is a real need for what we call clean verb generation. So, renewables, variable renewables in particular can go a long way. At the end of the day, you're going to need 20 to 30 percent of your power to come from sources that can be available when needed, that are not subject to the whims of when the wind is blowing and when the sun is shining even in a world where you have a lot of transmission and storage and so nuclear is not the only option there. There's a huge amount of advances happening in geothermal, there's a lot of people very excited about green hydrogen as sort of a way of firming up variable renewables and doing seasonal storage though there's a lot of challenges there. But certainly, nuclear is one of the best technologies we have for that purpose today. So, I’d say it's a little underrated overall but the jury's still out in terms of if we can manage to build them on time and on a budget and see the same sort of learning curves, we've seen with renewable energy technologies.


Ben Yeoh (53:38): Sure, that seems very fair. Carbon offsetting.


Zeke Hausfather (53:45): It’d say it's overrated. There are a lot of companies today that are carbon neutral companies that have maybe reduced their actual emissions by 20 percent and then have bought a whole bunch of dirt-cheap forestry related offsets to call themselves carbon neutral to cover the other eighty percent and the problem is, if you take carbon out of the atmosphere and store it in the biosphere, it's not going to stay there forever. A lot of the wildfires we've seen in California this year were burning through corporate carbon offset projects and so, I think if companies were actually paying $600 a ton to do direct air capture and verifiably put that carbon into geologic storage, it would be a very different story but to the extent that carbon offsetting today is dominated by often to be honest, bullshit forestry offsets. I think it's a real problem and a lot of it is green washing and I think we need better differentiation in that market between permanent carbon removal, which is actually what's needed to counteract a ton of carbon that's emitted which is going to stay in the atmosphere for tens of thousands of years versus sort of temporary removal and to the extent that we are planting trees. We need very good systems to ensure that they stay in that location or that location remains forested for thousands of years to come to be equal to avoiding a ton of CO2 emitted which is a big challenge in a warming world which has much stronger stressors for the biosphere.


Ben Yeoh (55:10): Yeah. Even the higher quality nature-based solutions are less different between low quality offsets and high quality but even the high-quality ones are not necessarily set in stone. Like you say, if they're in the biosphere. That seems very fair.


Zeke Hausfather (55:23): So, we should actually try to set more of them in stone quite literally.


Ben Yeoh (55:28):  Yeah, exactly. I guess this is a sort of an investment thing but I guess the movement is a divestment movement or maybe an engagement movement. What do you think about divestment strategies?


Zeke Hausfather (55:43): I have mixed feelings about them. I think they've been very successful in mobilizing people. I think they've certainly had a big effect on the economics of some projects in terms of the ability to get capital but I think we're also starting to see a little bit of a challenge right now in the strategies of targeting supply rather than demand. If you make it tough for people to get money to develop fossil fuel projects and you end up having production fall and prices rise, then there's huge amounts of political blowback and you end up with the US pressing for dramatic expansions of oil production despite going all in on climate and so I think it is useful and I think particularly when it comes to coal. It's quite useful because there's very little justification for investing anything in coal today but I think we need to make sure that all of these sorts of supply-side interventions are happening in conjunction with demand side reductions as well. Subsidizing electric vehicles so people are less sensitive to the cost of oil, subsidizing heat pumps so people are less affected by swings and natural gas prices and those sorts of things and I think there's a definite danger of political blowback if we focus too much on the supply side and not enough on the demand side. 


Ben Yeoh (57:02):  Sure. Carbon tax or I guess carbon prices markets, that whole area of trying to price carbon 


Zeke Hausfather (57:12): Overrated. I mean a carbon price is a necessary but not sufficient condition to keep decarbonization. By that, I mean, at the end of the day there are some things that you're probably going to want a carbon price to do but at the same time we have swings in terms of fossil fuel costs that are much bigger than any price on carbon that we're talking about imposing frequently in terms of  gasoline prices or petrol prices and it has a relatively small effect on people's actual behavior and so I think that carbon prices have been a little oversold in terms of their, at least near-term effectiveness certainly if we're focusing on meeting targets. They don't have any sort of guarantees of actual efficacy in terms of reductions but also, there's just particularly here in the US, not much political salience for carbon pricing. Even progressive Washington state which tried to get a tax dividend revenue neutral carbon tax, failed miserably on a popular referendum and there's no appetite at all to pass carbon taxes today either from the left or the right in the US in politics and so it would be nice and  I understand why economists love it and as a someone who's dabbled in economics over the years; I did my uh master's thesis at Yale a decade ago on sort of making tradable permit systems more tax-like but at the end of the day we need to go with what can actually be done and so yes to an extent, we can do a carbon price good but we shouldn't rely on it as our primary mechanism to reduce emission.


Ben Yeoh (58:46):  Sure, that makes a lot of sense. Gas as a transition fuel or gas place within our energy systems.


Zeke Hausfather (58:55): A decade ago, it was not overrated. Today it's overrated in part because we have, at least, in the rich world transitioned away from coal in a large way. US coal use is down 60 percent in the last 12 years, UK coal use is pretty much zero now. Europe, some countries are doing a little worse in that transition but even there we're quickly running into a case where gas is becoming the sort of the worst marginal emitter as coal is phased out of many areas and so yes, we reduced emissions by replacing a lot of coal plants with gas but today increasingly renewable energy is cost competitive. There's much less of a justification today to the new gas infrastructure given the alternatives available. In particular, in many places like the US we already have too much gas infrastructure today which will play a role in helping balance out renewable generation, in the near term, until we get other sort of clean energy, clean form technologies available and more battery storage and transmission and all these other things but today I just think there's much less of a role for gas replacing coal than there was a decade ago. We've already replaced most of what we can, economically, there.


Ben Yeoh (01:00:11):  Yeah, that also makes a lot of sense and it’s the fact that things have changed and changed quite quickly within a decade.


Zeke Hausfather (01:00:19): It's also worth pointing out that with methane leakage, gas is better than coal but not as brilliant as we thought.


Ben Yeoh (01:00:27):  The data we have on it is not so good so it could well be underestimated from what we've seen and stuff, I guess that's an issue as well. The idea of a green new deal, does a lot of these innovations and things really come with new jobs or is that kind of a separate issue so green new deal.


Zeke Hausfather (01:00:52): So, I think in the US context, the green new deal was an interesting political exercise. I think there is a certain amount of danger to sort of attaching a wide range of other unrelated social policies to climate measures like a guaranteed jobs program or universal health care, all these other things which are good in their own right but to the extent that we want climate policy to be something that can be durable. Ultimately it can't just be a big left issue. A permanent leftist majority is not a replacement for effective climate policy and countries that have done the best to reduce emissions like the UK are countries where climate is not so much a polarized issue, at least acceptance of the basic science is certainly not. And so, I think there's definitely some challenges there on the jobs front there are a lot of jobs in installing clean energy, there's a lot less jobs in maintaining clean energy than there are fossil fuels and I think that distinction is important and certainly there are a lot of regions where many of the jobs today are tied up in fossil fuel production where you're not going to be able to see a one-to-one replacement particularly in terms of geographic concentration of future clean energy jobs. So, I think as we're moving toward a world of more clean energy and less fossil fuels, we do need to always keep in mind sort of the need for a just transition and to help those who will be most impacted by these changes and not just sort of say “well we're going to create more jobs by installing solar panels so we don't have to worry about it right it's a much more complicated issue than that”


Ben Yeoh (01:02:30): Excellent, that makes a lot of sense to me as well. Perhaps coming through to the last couple of questions then. I was wondering if you had any view on the Bjorn Lomborg position, we’re concentrating on the wrong things that actually if we invested in all of these other areas you would get a much better deal for all of this and that the over emphasis on some of this climate thing. It’s a kind of like a misallocation of resources and maybe I would extend the sort of the commentary if you would to the fact that this just still seems to be maybe unhelpfully for an outsider looking in, quite a lot of heated debates. I guess you get this in a lot of sciences in general but you get people and they're kind of commentating against one another and it doesn't seem like that they're very aligned which I guess causes some confusion and I can see this in when I speak to some of my friends but be interested generally on the Lomborg position and then whether the consensus around where science can be. You can never get to a position where you're not going to get these kinds of heated debates or seemingly striping at one another. 


Zeke Hausfather (01:03:43): Yeah. I mean on the Lomborg position, I think fundamentally his mistake is assuming that everything is zero-sum. When it comes to climate mitigation and poverty alleviation and all these other pressing issues that the world faces, we can sort of walk and chew gum at the same time so to speak. Certainly, if your criticism was misallocation of resources, you could make a much stronger claim around say military spending than climate mitigation spending in terms of reallocation to humanitarian measures of poverty alleviated. I think we're increasingly realizing that climate impacts and climate mitigation are tied into development in a way where you can have mutually beneficial outcomes particularly if rich countries can get their act together and actually help subsidize the adoption of clean energy technologies by poor countries in a big way and that's been a huge area of battle in the international. It's one of the biggest flash points, in Glasgow, is sort of around this question of what extent should rich countries be paying poor countries to help both adapt to climate change but also to mitigate climate change and I think poor countries have a very strong argument there. They're like look you rich countries destroyed the environment in your development process and now you want to slam the door behind you and I think that balancing that out and ensuring that poor countries have a way to meet their development goals robustly while transitioning to clean energy is critically important but again going back to the point I made earlier, I think that that's become much less of a trade-off now than it was a decade ago and I think the fact that we are starting to see all these big net zero commitments and even some more near-term commitments by poor countries is really an acknowledgement that there is not necessarily a large net cash cost or even in some cases a net cost to transitioning away from fossil fuels.


Zeke Hausfather (01:05:32): Obviously, it depends how rapidly you do it. If you ask India to get its emissions to zero in 20 years that would impose a huge cost and have a big conflict with development priorities but I think we now see a pathway to at least a below two-degree world where countries are not really bearing much of a cost in the transition. In part, because we've seen such dramatic cost declines in fossil fuel alternatives. So, I don't think there is nearly as much of a trade-off as folks like Bjorn would emphasize. Lomborg also is just to be honest a bit of a consummate cherry picker on these issues, my favorite example of his work is, he did a paper looking at the impact of the Paris agreement which I think we'd all recognize now along with these longer-term technology trends this had a big impact in changing our future warming trajectories. Back then he argued that well countries will just meet their 2030 pledges and then in 2031 they'll go back up to rcp 3.5 emission pathways and therefore Paris will only cut global temperatures by like not .2c or something. Yes, and in that very tortured construction it would, but it's sort of ignoring everything else that's going on and so I think you often need to take some of Yorn's work with a grain of salt and those sorts of things because he does have a bit of an extra grind in these issues. He’s not always wrong but he's often cherry-picking.


Ben Yeoh (01:06:53): Yeah, he makes his point and then finds the model to back it up.


Zeke Hausfather (01:06:58): Yeah, in terms of sort of scientist consensus on climate, there's not much fundamental disagreement in the scientific community around the basics here. The earth is warming, co2 is a greenhouse gas, we're responsible for c2 emissions. Therefore, we're responsible for most of the warming the world has experienced. Where there are big scientific disagreements is what is climate sensitivity exactly, how much is the earth going to warm in the future, what are these various tipping elements or feedbacks? There's a lot of different views there and I think the way that science happens in academic journals and at conferences is fairly divorced from the way it gets presented in the media. It's gotten a little bit better but you still see a lot of both sides’ presentations in the media in a way that isn't really reflective of the scientific literature or the scientific community. Certainly, not the way I’ve experienced at conferences and we actually have some pretty good mechanisms for reaching consensus and communicating that consensus through the IPCC process and if you ever read IPCC reports. They are very cautious; in fact, some people criticize them for being too cautious on emphasizing what we know and where the remaining uncertainties are and I think that that process has really been helpful for the community to sort of synthesize their knowledge to talk across the many different disciplines to make up climate science and get a much more unified voice from the scientific community on this issue.


Zeke Hausfather (01:08:19): Then to be honest, you even see in other scientific fields like medical science could really use an IPCC for example, as we've seen with all of the fights over masking and vaccination and everything else involved with Covid. I feel like in some ways climate scientists are a bit ahead of the game.


Ben Yeoh (01:08:36): Yeah, I know. Like extending that into economics and readings on macroeconomics they can't agree on inflation or interest rates. You would have thought some of their very basic building blocks are massive disagreements still going on there. Great and so maybe then the last question would be what advice do you have for people who want to be involved in climate?


Zeke Hausfather (01:09:14): I mean build a useful skill that fits into a good niche. Be that data analytics, be that communication and writing, be that climate modeling or economic modeling and find an organization that's aligned with your interest on that. One of the challenges with working in the climate world is you’re not going to make as much money as if you work for google right. The fact that so many people want to make a positive impact on the future, means that organizations particularly environmental and nonprofits tend to have relatively low salaries in part because they have a flood of interested and highly qualified people wanting to do that work. So, unless you're working for a hot cleantech startup, you're probably not going to make a huge amount of money out of doing climate work but nevertheless, you're going to have a much bigger impact than you would if you were optimizing the advertising algorithm for some web-based company. So, there are trade-offs there when you're thinking about careers but I think at the end of the day the quality of life you have knowing that your work is making a difference in the world is much more valuable than maximizing your 401k. So, I’d say find a niche. Find an organization aligned with your values and see the biggest impact you can make there.


Ben Yeoh (01:10:32): Great! Well, that strikes me as being excellent advice. So, with that, Zeke, I would like to say thank you very much 


Zeke Hausfather (01:10:41): Thank you. It's great to be on.

In Economics, Carbon, Podcast Tags Podcast, Climate, Energy, Carbon, Science, Zeke Hausfather

Jason Mitchell on Poetry, Sustainable Investing, Regulation, Carbon Tax, Activism, Stakeholder Capitalism | Podcast

November 8, 2021 Ben Yeoh

Jason Mitchell is Co-Head of Responsible Investment at Man Group. He was a hedge fund manager. He is a poet. He is a deep thinker on all things sustainable and finance. He hosts a brilliant podcast on sustainability, A Sustainable Future.

We chat on his poetry and how he witnessed refugees in the Mediterranean sea. We dicussed what poetry has taught him.

“rescued by our boat one morning, the man asked me, is it true what they tell us, the traffickers, about these waters, that the sea has no bottom? I told him no, there is indeed a floor, half a mile or more below us. And Europe is a much farther, more difficult journey than the traffickers promised you”.


I asked whether fund managers on average know enough outside finance and about his journey into sustainability.

Jason discussed the Jevons paradox. How we use something more the more efficient it becomes.

Jason gives his views , overrated/underrated, on:

  • Carbon Tax

  • Divestment as a social political tool

  • Shareholder activism as a theory of change 

  • Carbon offsets (and shorting as a tool)

  • Sustainable finance regulation

  • Stakeholder capitalism

We end with Jason’s favourite podcasts that he has hosted, what people misunderstand and his advice for others.

“no doesn't mean never”

PODCAST INFO

  • Apple Podcasts: https://apple.co/3gJTSuo

  • Spotify: https://sptfy.com/benyeoh

  • Anchor: https://anchor.fm/benjamin-yeoh

Click below or wherever you get podcasts.


Jason Mitchell podcast with Ben Yeoh (transcript, only lightly edited, expect typos etc)

Ben Yeoh (00:00): Hello, and welcome to Ben Yeoh Chats. If you're curious about the world, this show is for you. How can you be a poet and a sustainable hedge fund manager? On this episode, I speak to Jason Mitchell. We talk about his poetry, his journey through sustainability and asset management, and he gives his views on a range of topical subjects, such as carbon tax, divestment strategies, sustainable finance regulation, carbon offsets, and stakeholder capitalism. These are personal views only, and there is no organizational endorsement or any investment advice to be taken in this educational conversation. If you enjoy the show, please like and subscribe as it helps others find the podcast. Thank you. Be well. Hey everyone, I'm super excited to be speaking to Jason Mitchell. Jason is co-head of Responsible Investment at Man Group. He was a hedge fund manager and he is a poet. He's a deep thinker on all things sustainable and finance and he hosts a brilliant podcast himself, A Sustainable Future, which you should check out. Jason, welcome. 

Jason Mitchell (01:12): Thank you so much. I'm really looking forward to this. It's great to see you, Ben.

Ben Yeoh (01:15): Great to see you. So, you've been on a small boat in the middle of the sea witnessing refugees in the Mediterranean and you've produced poetry and photography on the experience. You bore witness. And I think I quote “rescued by our boat one morning, the man asked me, is it true what they tell us, the traffickers, about these waters, that the sea has no bottom? I told him no, there is indeed a floor, half a mile or more below us. And Europe is a much farther, more difficult journey than the traffickers promised you”. What did the experience teach you and what should we know more about the situation?


Jason Mitchell (02:03): Yeah, so you're referring to my experience on a 26-meter decommissioned German lifeboat that was designed for the north, the Barents Sea. I and a group of six, seven other Germans were on it for several weeks off the coast of Libya in late 2016 during the absolute height of the migrant crisis. It was interesting. I think it's actually worth just giving a little bit of back story to that. Cause I think, and I suspect probably like you, my interests were…they tend to be guided by climate. Right now, the climate, particularly in sustainable finances, is just such a powerful issue. And certainly, now with net zero and the mass media, into COP26, the prevalent issue, I think what was interesting for me was coming out of COP21 in Paris in 20, at the end of 2015 and feeling pretty brilliant about the state of the world, about what the Paris Accord meant. 


Jason Mitchell (03:25): I think coming out of that, I had a friend who was doing some work at an NGO around the Calais and Dunkirk migrant crisis in France. And he was just doing a quick run from London out there with secondhand clothes. And I said that I would join. So, we did the trip, dropped off the clothes and I ended up staying for several weeks and it kind of blew me away that climate, and justifiably because of the existential risk of climate change, but it's the predominant theme that captures everything. But there are these other crises, in this case this migrant crisis, that was less than 300 miles away from Paris, in London happening in Western Europe reflecting, obviously, the crisis in Syria and the persistent migrant flows from West and Central Africa. And so, for me, it was kind of fascinating to have to switch lenses from climate to this kind of humanitarian crisis. And I think from thereafter, I found it kind of fascinating and overlooked in a relative sense. And so, I ended up dedicating a good part of that year working in Calais then working in Lesvos with an NGO that worked alongside Medecins Sans Frontieres. Then ultimately hooking up with these German NGOs and working off the coast of Libya. Does that answer your question?


Ben Yeoh (05:10): Yes. I guess it puts a real human face onto climate crisis and everything about that. Was the experience informing your thinking around sustainability and the messages that we need to talk about? Or, you were kind of hinting about it, that actually there is this climate thing and it's all pervasive. But there are many crises that are kind of right there and these people and it was kind of interesting that this is intersectional, so that there's this crisis happening. But your work, your poetry and your photography seem to be so powerful out of it. I couldn't help, but think that this was something other in terms of your own journey.


Jason Mitchell (05:55): Yeah. No, no, you're right on that point. Because I think it was, it was interesting to kind of think about this crisis outside of the lens of finance. That said, I still think that you can make some pretty powerful linkages about this crisis… what the implications were on stability, the political stability, and even the financial stability of areas. By that, I mean, look at to what degree the migrant crisis… Think about how that has shaped the political landscape and the move far right within Germany and certainly in Italy, following in 2017 and 2018. So it's had certain implications politically from a fiscal perspective. And I think to a certain degree, within markets as well. I think what was fascinating to me was to acknowledge those, but also see this different issue.  I had done this podcast episode with Mary Robinson, the former president of Ireland. Who's been phenomenal, her work around the SDGs in particular. She's a member of The Elders and she does a lot of advocating particularly around the SDGs. But one of the themes that she constantly goes back to, and it's so intangible and abstract, it's hard to really unpick it, I found until I had some of this experience, was this issue of pride, of self-worth and I think that's the thing that really-- what resonated with me, when you find that you have families landing on the beach of Lesvos with a few backs or in the story that I wrote-- 


Jason Mitchell (07:44): So you read a poem but there's another story I wrote for the Leonard Review of books, where I talk about the first death that happens on our boat and this man who was just incredibly young, incredibly strong from somewhere we think Western or central Africa. I just remember bright teeth, right. I mean, he was just in the prime of his life. And he ended up dying because he had spent 12 plus hours on the bottom of a boat, ingesting and inhaling this toxic mix of fuel and saltwater, which is quite acidic, so even his skin was peeling off in many places. To witness that … and the handover that we ultimately did to an Irish warship, surreally called the Samuel Beckett. But just a strange experience because we handed him over with nothing more than a piece of paper, which were the coordinates of where he passed away, in not the middle of the Mediterranean, but obviously 20, 25 miles north of Sabratah in Libya. But there was nothing more. There were no familial clues, no shoes, nothing about his name for where he was from. It was sort of a strange experience to see these people, trying to find a better life, snuffed out and not even a sense of remembering them.


Ben Yeoh (09:27): And you and your group really bore witness to that. And I think that something which comes through, which is that there was always an element when I hear you speak about that very human part to it. We talk about finance and these markets, and there's a lot of numbers on screens, but ultimately, it's hitting what economists like to say is the real economy, which is people in the middle of the sea, trying to make a better life for themselves. And I was interested. Is that perhaps how your poetry and your essay writing and your photography has informed your work in life, that it comes through this on a very human aspect, although we've ended up in finance and services like that. Does it inform that or does it work on a more parallel thread?


Jason Mitchell (10:09): No, no. I think it does inform. It's always interesting too, because I tend to think I'm very cognizant of voice in describing this, either through the lens or through essays or through my poetry. And I find that mine tends to be very impersonal. It tends to be a very neutral voice. It's not confessional, for instance, in describing those. I'm actually working on an essay right now that speaks to climate change over the long arc of my own family, which is set against another crisis, the cold war crisis. My father was in the Air Force and I spent most of my childhood on Air Force bases all across Europe. There are these certain kinds of arcs or circles of crises that are always over the horizon.


Ben Yeoh: (11:15): What else do you think poetry has taught you?


Jason Mitchell (11:21): A degree of empathy. Certainly, there has been…Being able to connect to experiences, obviously I'm not privy to, but to try and sort of understand certain experiences, cultures, et cetera, as an outsider. That's been particularly powerful. I would say mechanically too. I would say some of the economy of language. I wonder if you’re the same case, but I tend to value the economy of words. And I think that really manifests itself in poetry where each word each line breaks is sort of intentional and thoughtful, rarely is it arbitrary or ill-thought-out.


Ben Yeoh (12:26): No, I agree. And I think finance could do with more of that. In fact, that's one of the other questions I have, which is, there are many thinkers you've suggested that deep knowledge about art or aspects of culture is really related to a sign of good, call it human capital talent, and the lack of that. And I was wondering whether you think most hedge fund managers would believe that, or even fund managers in general. And do you think fund managers, or maybe finance in general knows enough outside the world of finance? I sometimes think even some of the best investors are very curious about the world and kind of know quite a lot. And over the last few years I worry that it's gotten narrower and narrower. And now you've got people who are very good with spreadsheets, but have lost that real economy or the human connection, or just the understanding about how this happens. So, yeah, I was just wondering about the effect of arts and cultural or the wider thinking on whether you think finance people know enough about outside finance.


Jason Mitchell (13:34): I don't think they do. I completely agree, I don't think they do at all. And I would say that for most of my life, I was probably in the same position. It's very easy to get comfortable around spreadsheets and looking at things analytically and to at the worst have to risk adjusting for certain positions, hedge fund roles et cetera within your life. But you're constantly looking and motivated by the light noises of Bloomberg or of markets. I remember this was actually a pretty profound decision for me in 2008 where it felt like it was increasingly obvious that the market was heading for reckoning. I mean, particularly in sort of early ‘08 and I ended up taking a few years out because I wanted to actually, per your point, understand the physicality of the world. The physicality of businesses or of other experiences outside of sitting at a desk and making decisions and just speaking to management at arm's length.


Jason Mitchell (14:54): So that actually led me in 2008 to end up leaving and working for advising for a number of private equity funds and for the UK government and really starting my path down sustainability. So I ended up working for something called the Commonwealth Business Council, which is a Commonwealth UK government project. They don't have their own balance sheet, but they're effectively coordinating finance around projects. It could be water, agriculture, energy for many of the Commonwealth countries. In particular, some of the big countries, Sub-Saharan Africa are areas and then as well as India.


Ben Yeoh (15:39): 2008 onwards you have a change of career partly and you go into development finance and that type of area. What did you learn from that stage in your journey?


Jason Mitchell (15:50): I learned that building a business… In my experience during that time, it was building out a business in water distribution and advising the UK government. But it was incredibly hard. It was very political in a sense. In order to make things happen, you really had to solve for a lot of different factors and personalities in many cases. It was fascinating but also somewhat disheartening. I think over that time, what was interesting is with the backdrop of the global financial crisis happening, what to me was fascinating was you have a real showdown between different development theories. The Western theory, which obviously Dambisa Moyo, which I'd interviewed, in her book Dead Aid, talks about, is very problematic, the fact that the West is through aid, not necessarily creating positive outcomes. But that juxtaposed to the Chinese development model, which was to go into countries and vendor finance, vast amounts of a number of different projects and effectively outbid others. I thought it was fascinating to see those two compete, and more often than not, to see the Chinese model win and actually have to think through the trade-offs in that, because there certainly are, to be frank.


Ben Yeoh (17:37): And then how did that evolve into becoming a fund manager, hedge fund manager, again, and then into sustainability and responsible investing?


Jason Mitchell (17:46): Sure. That period of my life was one of great personal growth. I was reading a lot. I was exposed, particularly in politics or political theory, development theory. I was exposed to a lot that led me to really reconsider where I wanted to go in life. At one point I really wanted to head to and work for the IFC which is the commercial part of the World Bank, particularly within emerging markets perspective. To do that, the World Bank tends to be, and for good reason, but they tend to be pretty orthodox about some of the hiring and insist on a post-grad, like a Master's Degree. So I ended up doing a Masters at LSC with the intention of trying to find work at the IFC or another DFI. And I think along that way, ended up rekindling conversations with Man Group then it was GLG Partners, Man had acquired it in 2011 or 2012. And I think there was an opportunity to shift my focus from the long-short side to the long-only side. And think about it a bit more constructively. There was an opportunity to kind of rejoin, look at finance through climate strategies. So I was managing a climate strategy and I ended up launching the global sustainability long-only strategy as well. And so, for me, that was actually pretty interesting. It's still very similar to that original goal, but obviously in a listed context.

Ben Yeoh (19:36): I often feel a bit of dissonance between investing work and speaking with these companies. And then, as we spoke about in the beginning, that real world migration crisis, climate crisis and all of those. Do you feel that dissonance often, and how do you manage through that? Maybe bringing some more real world into expanding into… I'm often speaking with peers, maybe peers who are a little bit more, how should I put it, skeptical about what we do in the real world or whether we should. But when it actually hits them and when they hear these stories and things, it does often jolt them into a slightly different… Nudge them onto a path where I think they then start to feel more fulfilled and more holistic around that. But it comes from this area of dissonance where I sometimes have to shut it off for a bit because it almost feels… I almost get a little paralyzed from it sometimes. And do you feel this kind of dissonance and how do you work that through and what do you do with that?

Jason Mitchell (20:34): Well, first I kind of want to throw it back to you. Can you give me an example where that's happened? Because this is interesting. I know what you're saying but I'm curious and want to tailor it to an example of your own.

Ben Yeoh (20:47): Sure. So I haven't had so much one on say climate recently. Because I do a lot within health care and ultimately in health, it is kind of really interesting, is that one way of thinking about it is you save a patient's life in some respect or extend their life. And actually, the side effect of saving a patient's life, depending on how you do it, is profit for something else. But your primary effort is saving patients' lives and things. And then when you go through and you see you're in a hospital, or I had this when I was looking at some robotics and you think about how many robotic surgeries start all things. And then you're there and then there's an emergency and someone's life are saved. And it's like, well, that is the real-world impact of this thing. And you get this right. More people will live longer and their lives will be saved. And you misallocate the capital that you don't understand what they're doing and they're just widgets or numbers, and it feels less real and more divorced. I feel the climate one is sometimes a little bit more distant than that, but you do have a… That's why I was referring to the back because you had on the front, the refugee crisis and someone right there on your boat, which is connected to everything we're having. And I feel that dissonance sometimes is… It's just interesting to see how that plays out. Does that make sense?


Jason Mitchell (22:08): Yeah. No. I think it does. I know what you're saying. I think it was less apparent to me during the migrant crisis. They seem like two very distinct things. Whereas in the climate crisis because of government policies, because of thematic investing, they kind of conjoin where there's obviously not so much. And then I think it becomes sort of this bigger problem or this other problem of not so much. Well, it's a different kind of dissonance. So for instance, I mean the one… I'm a big fan of paradoxes and I think it's the Jevons paradox, but it might be the Jevons paradox, J E V O N S. But it's this efficiency paradox. And you find that many thematic investors are always talking about kind of efficiency metrics. But the reality is when you look at kind of efficiency, particularly resource efficiency, it's not necessarily a good thing. I mean, you can go back to the history of resource use around coal, right, and the efficiencies around coal use. And all it's done is made coal a more prevalent input in economic activity, right. And so, these are the kind of these dualities of these dissonances that I struggle with, in that you think that you're making progress around something, around let's say, an efficiency issue, but all you're doing is basically supporting the greater use of it, albeit at a more efficient metric.


Ben Yeoh (23:57): Yeah. No, exactly right. And that is exactly the Jevons. 


Jason Mitchell (24:00): Is it? Okay, good.

Ben Yeoh (24:01): It is. You've got it right. And call it a common example. Although the one I always think about is actually light. So we went from candles to light bulbs and we just exponentially increased our use of life because it was that. And that's what you see in light. Arguably obviously there's an energy thing you can conoscere in a more positive tone. But obviously coal has all of these other huge side-effects on that. So you become running a long-only sustainability fund. And then that kind of evolved into your current role, which is more strategy oversight and policy and things like that. What have you learned from both and others and either the pros and cons. Is there some stuff you miss about that direct exposure to investing and you'd wish you'd known more about when you're investing now that on the policy side or vice versa?

Jason Mitchell (24:54): One thing I absolutely do miss is being able to go deep around stories, around themes. Sitting across three or four management teams within a sector and really trying to understand where the industry is heading, to me that was really fulfilling. I think now, particularly at a policy level, it's a different kind of competency, frankly, different kinds of skill sets. So I do miss going deep. I would say as a portfolio manager and this was…Frankly, this was true, both for the long-short and the long-only side. It was also a different kind of pressure. I'm sure you're familiar with it, right? You wake up and if you're not doing well, if your PNL’s running at a loss in a long-short perspective, or if you're running a couple of hundred basis points below benchmark in long-only format, there's a certain degree of just pressure and it's constant until you can fix that. But there's a certain degree of freedom and feeling that you can fix it, you can turn it around next month with a better idea, right? I think on the side I am now particularly given the just dramatic reshaping from a regulatory perspective around sustainable finance. It's a different kind of pressure. So it's not that 4:00 AM waking up in the morning wondering what's going to happen next year, what firm you're going to work at if you ended up getting fired. It more trying to juggle just this stack of applications whether it's at a policy level, whether it's at a fund level. And that fund level can take a whole number of different whether it's the prospectuses, whether it's the investment framework around an element of SFTR that use sustainable finance disclosure regulation, how that sort of fits with some sort of disclosure regulation or rule from an SEC. I think it's a different kind of problem solving and a different kind of pressure.


Ben Yeoh (27:21): Yeah. No, I agree. And there's something great about markets and the investment side where you get relatively immediate feedback. And so even if you're not doing well, you can see it and you can plot a path. And you have end results, whether you're looking at it annually or whatever timeframe you're looking at and feedback. Whereas on the policy level, you're just constantly working very rarely do you get the ideal policy that you wanted because there's obviously a lot of other people and other things involved, and it's kind of this long, slow thing that you don't get as much feedback, which I think I would find, that I do when I dipped into it, somewhat frustrated.


Jason Mitchell (27:59): And if anything, I would actually say that I've just been surprised at how much more mired you are and this interpretational swamp. Swamp is probably unfair, but think about the notion of greenwashing, a term that I don't tend to like very much because many people are able to call out greenwashing, but what's the opposite of green... It's hard to sort of look at the universe of it and call out what's good practice. And there's a lot of difference around greenwashing nonetheless. I mean, think about it in the European context the USFDA, sustainable finance disclosure regulation does go to great effort to draw protections against greenwashing. That's a really, really good thing. I think what's problematic is that over this development, suddenly you have a national notion of what greenwashing is. I think France has its own ISR label. Belgium has its own label towards sustainability and to a certain degree, these run not counter, but there are certainly more rigorous forms of it versus others. And there are trade-offs you can make, there are ways that, unfortunately, I think asset managers can game no one wants to see bad behavior. I'm not certainly condoning it but I think there are ways that some asset managers can gain this, particularly from a passive ETF perspective. But yeah, I think it's a bit… It's problematic. What I expected would be more defined is actually much more interpretational.


Ben Yeoh (29:53): Yeah, much more slippery. I find this particularly looking at the US which has a very, what we call literalistic view on legal or policy terms. And you fight over these meanings of individual words, which actually can pivot you in one direction or the other. And that's, sometimes it misses the picture. And like you say, on this notion of greenwashing, it's obvious to everyone in the world. In fact, in legal terms, you have this idea of corporate puff, which is when a corporation says something; you just obviously can't believe them. I think the classic one is the advent of saying this is the best beer in the world, or whatever is like, obviously can't be. And so, I think there was a court case where someone-- There was a litigation where someone said, we are the best something else in the world. And they said, well, that sounded too similar. And I think the judge threw it out because he says, you're obviously neither the best anything in the world because it's corporate puff. And so, with greenwashing, you're always going to want to look your best to some extent…. you kind of want a little bit of that because you want people to ratchet it upwards and in which case you've got to try to show things in your good light for that. So I definitely hear you on that. Okay. I thought maybe do a small section of Underrated or Overrated. You can pass, or you could say it's neutral, or you could dive into what the kind of thing or the concept is, if you like. So underrated or overrated: Carbon Tax.


Jason Mitchell (31:24): Underrated.

Ben Yeoh (31:26): Underrated. And why is that?


Jason Mitchell (31:27): Absolutely underrated.

Ben Yeoh (31:28) Conventional underpinning that all economists say, right?


Jason Mitchell (31:31): Yeah, look I agree. It sounds very reductionist, but we need a price on carbon. I mean, whether it's a…


Ben Yeoh (31:42): Tax price adjustment.

Jason Mitchell (31:43): Yeah, a price… Exactly, right. 

Ben Yeoh (31:45): []

Jason Mitchell (31:46): We need some way to price that on a global level. That externality, we don't have that. I think it's article six within the COP26 that's coming out. I could be mistaken, but I think it's article six. But that is the one problematic issue that's never been resolved over the last several COPs, which is the Paris Accord really, really tried… made an effort to create this international UN governed carbon market. And obviously the US has been one of the big holdouts, but we've seen a tremendous amount of progress from China, from Korea, from Canada, from many other countries. So it'll be interesting to see. I'm not particularly optimistic, given the mood in the US. But it'll be interesting to see if there's any progress made on that front at COP26.

Ben Yeoh (32:47): Yeah. It's interesting if you look at economists, whether they're left or right. There's some huge agreement, like 80 or 90% of them think of carbon tax innovation, carbon tax--


Jason Mitchell (32:56): Incentives. 

Ben Yeoh (32:58): Yeah. And it's kind of remarkable. I think you had one left/center progressive economist, Jason Furman, who said, he thinks it's like 80, 85% of the economic solution to this is within that. Because it sparks everything else. Okay.

Jason Mitchell (33:14): And further to that, I think one of the unfortunate things is there was the Baker-Schultz effort within the US.


Ben Yeoh (33:23): That was the carbon tax and dividend one.


Jason Mitchell (33:26): Yes, exactly. And that was quite well known because it was bipartisan. Unfortunately, Baker and Schultz now have both passed away, sadly. But I think that's the unfortunate part where that bipartisan effort even within the US is to some degree diminished that section.


Ben Yeoh (33:42): I'm veering more and more it being what they would so-called political economy problem. So it's a problem of politics. And I think particularly in the US, if you look at the surveys, like the Yale Climate Change Survey one, 30 to 35% of Americans do not believe in man-made climate change. And so that's a big chunk to deal with. And therefore, even a bipartisan carbon tax when wanted in another way, preserved as an elite technocratic solution. And you're dealing with 35%. You can gauge with that but cross which doesn't really think that that's suitable is where… For me that's an obvious log jam about trying to do something there, and that's where we kind of got to.


Jason Mitchell (34:28) I mean to some degree, not to keep going on this because it is such a fascinating issue, but I wonder how much of it is inevitable. I forget the author that talked about this but when we think about political regimes and monetary regimes. Think Bretton Woods, the post-world Bretton Woods, open markets, liberalism, that project. What is in this long wave of regime change, what happens next? And I think there was a really compelling theory to say that, given the financial existential damage that climate change represents, that the next regime might well be a climate regime rather than a Bretton Woods. So it organizes itself around survival of climate change. And you get a whole different reordering of the values from the previous regime. So certain values for better, for worse are subordinated by just this imperative to survive climate change.


Ben Yeoh (35:38): Yeah. And I think you've seen in the long cycle of history when slaves were made illegal or women got votes or go back on things you do get this kind of… I guess it is like this step change as a regime change and suddenly you just really quite fundamentally changed the rules somehow because society needs or wants to for whatever reason. So I think that's possible. It’s interesting that the people I call the crypto bros also think about it within that from crypto, which you probably won't go into, but part of their theory of changes that it's a regime change. So whether it ends up there or not, it does seem that it is quite a plausible thing to happen. Okay, next one. Underrated or overrated: Divestment as a social political tool.


Jason Mitchell (36:32): I understand both sides very well. I do, and I note there's a really good piece of research that came out called The Impact of Impact Investing, which talks about the ineffectiveness of divestment relative to engagement.


Ben Yeoh (36:55): Specifically, only on cost of capital, which I think is obviously an interesting lens to look at it. The divestment people would not say that's necessary there transmission mechanism, but I wouldn't actually go into an argument on that. But yes, please go on.

Jason Mitchell (37:10): But I'm a little bit more sympathetic and I've only looked at this in discreet ways. I think the one area that was incredibly compelling to me that I'd done a lot of work was to say look, what are the discreet areas where there's been a lot of divestments over the last five to seven years? One of those was tobacco. Tobacco was easy because it was a discreet business. You didn't have conglomerate businesses where it got messy. And you could follow this shadow of divestment announcements from particularly asset owners, so not managers, not double counting. And so, you had this shadow of announcements. And so, what I ended up doing was kind of going out really trying to track several years ago but the AUM for those asset owners, and then trying to kind of back into what that meant. And you found there were a few data points, effectively public, where you could back into the implied investment or kind of a range. So if you took an asset owner's total investment, you found that out of their total assets, roughly around anywhere from 0.25% to as much as 1% of that was invested in tobacco. And that was dependent on if you were UK or US, where tobacco was a big part of it as a constituent of the benchmarks you tended to be up on the bigger part of that. 


Jason Mitchell (38:39): If you were to say Australia where you don't have a tobacco constituent in Essex it was on the lower end of that. But you had sort of a spectrum. And I think what was interesting was, you could sensitize that against these flows. And I got to a figure that was somewhere between 50 and 60 billion of outflows relative to… at least when I did it. So I have not re-run these numbers to the market cap of global tobacco. There's an MSCI index and that index is roughly around 350 to 380 billion. So 60 out of call it 350, 360 is meaningful, right? I mean, that's a big sucking noise. And I think what you could make is an argument in this case that with this kind of sustained outflows, you might see a structural de-rating relative to the market. That's not to say that in a risk off market suddenly tobacco outperforms, it probably would, right? It just wouldn't sustain that outperformance. And so, then you had these arguments. You've actually seen this with coal right now from hedge funds. But this idea that as people divest the expected returns are too enticing for particularly hedge funds not to get involved, right? But expected returns are kind of a tricky thing, right? Expected returns are not realized returns. Expected returns are the sum of expected returns plus unexpected returns equals realized returns. And I think what people forget is what is in the unexpected return element, right? And I would say that the impact of negative of outflows from divestment could be, in some cases, and I would point to tobacco, pretty meaningful and would re-base the expected element. So expect that it's unrealized, right? Does that make sense?



Ben Yeoh (40:54): That does. Pretty sophisticated argument, but I buy into that. I'm also very suspicious that some of these hedge funds are not a… Long story short, the commodity price has gone up a lot in an unexpected way. That is actually not that connected to divestment either way, like harking back to that end paper. So it's not particularly that they've seen something go on and some people divest it and they bought it. But when your underlying commodity price has gone up 600% in a few months where that's iron or whatever, that's a huge, as you put it, unexpected return. It's really divorced from this other mechanism. So I feel that’s very financially unsophisticated for some of those hedge funds to claim that, which … means that actually they're just maybe skillful or lucky traders or traders rather than something about what's the transmits mechanisms and what's really happening there. So then the opposite side, Underrated or Overrated or commentary on: Shareholder activism as a theory of change.


Jason Mitchell (41:58): I think it's massive. Well, I don't think it's fair to call it underrated because I think people… To be clear, I do think it's underrated. I’m a huge proponent of it. And I'll give you some of my background. I think just my own experience from the firm that I work at, Man, we have not… When it comes to stewardship, we've always tried to struggle with two issues. One: A big part of the firm is Quant. And so, while we do a lot of systematic voting, that's fine. And you can recalibrate that however you want. I’m a more greenish cheese flavor versus a vanilla flavor. You're never really engaging with companies particularly among that amount of breadth within a given portfolio. On the discretionary side, you run into issues that are very different. So you run into the alternative problem. So you have depth, you don't have breadth, so you're engaging a lot. The question is to what degree are you voting? And that is somewhat contingent on your mix of ordinary shares versus synthetics. CFDs -- Contracts for Differences or swaps. 


Jason Mitchell (43:16): And so, when you own those synthetics there's certain advantages particularly around transaction, costs, friction because you're basically not owning the org, you're owning a contract through your prime broker. It comes at a lower cost. So its performance enhancing, and more importantly, it allows you, and this is important for hedge funds, you're borrowing at margin. So it allows you to level up and that's how you accomplish leverage returns. The problem is when you engage in those kinds of contracts, you forfeit your right to vote. So you lose voting rights, so different problems on different sides of the businesses. I think for context, and I think where we have and in particular-- I've spent a lot of time helping develop the team on this, to get compensation for these problems. I would say that you've got to increasingly build better, stronger stewardship capabilities at the firm level and not speak at an underlying subgroup level or at a fun level. And so that's what we have gone about doing to the point that in our 238-year history, I like to point out that this year was the first time where we ended up voting or filing on our-- This year was the first time in our 238-year history where we co-filed on a climate shareholder resolution with HSBC, which I think actually turned out very well. 


Jason Mitchell (44:47): We worked via 15 other investors in share action, who I could not have stronger thoughts and support for, but worked constructively with the board and management to effectively level up or upsize their net zero commitments. So to basically turn what was an ambiguous ambition 12 months ago that lacked a lot of flesh, a lot of real detail into something that was a hardened commitment. I do think language matters around this into a commitment where that was time-bound in terms of phase outs around fossil fuels, coal, et cetera.


Ben Yeoh (45:35): And you got mostly what you wanted and withdrew the filing, so it was kind of like an ultimate win, right?


Jason Mitchell (45:41): So the question is to what degree was that… We've talked about this before, to what degree was this an anomaly? Or does it sort of represent a change, a shift? There have been others, obviously with investors working on changing the board composition for Exxon. But it does feel like since the emergence of …  and kind of coordination in what was generally a pretty atomistic system of financial players. There's a lot more, there's a lot greater coordination in advancing progressive ESG policies.


Ben Yeoh (46:25): Great. And then overrated, underrated or comments on: Carbon Offsets.


Jason Mitchell (46:31): Yeah, this is a super controversial one. So I want to be very careful. Can you re restate the language of the question?


Ben Yeoh (46:43): Okay. I've just put carbon offsets as a word out, not thinking too deeply. The two angles you could think about is using carbon credits or offsets in the ones you can buy in the market to decarbonize portfolios or operations. So you could comment on all of that. And I guess the controversy is that some of those offsets have not been seen to maybe be as reliable as we thought. And then the other counter argument is that that is not having such a real economic effect in terms of actually getting people to reduce things. On the other hand, other people would argue that if you are doing additional projects and stuff, which are helping, then that is something that is worth investing in. So you could take either side or not on that. But the idea is, are we overrating, underrating? And I can start, I have lowered-- So I still think they're helpful, but I'm probably less convinced about them now than maybe I was five years ago. And either that was five years ago, I was a little bit more naive or today it's come true on some of those. Except I do see some projects in, I guess you'd call it maybe even negative emissions or very what is actually quite high prices, but quite… And we don't know whether they'll work, but would look quite interesting. And I do feel that we should probably still incentivize and try some of those. You don't want to put people off like Stripe in their negative emissions. You want them to try it out. So yeah, Carbon offsets, thoughts?


Jason Mitchell (48:21): I'm going to maybe controversially say that they are underrated. I get the criticism. I think the question or the debate needs to be more reframed, right? It's not whether we should be using carbon offsets in the abstract, but how do we actually start using a better higher quality version of offsets? How do we move from avoidance to genuine removal technology nature-based solutions? The reason I say this is so controversial is, and I've seen the IGCC has the investor framework where they recommend against using offsets. It has been widely recommended against by a number of NGOs. I think the thing that I struggle with is that it runs counter to all the policy signals that I see coming out. So you mentioned a sustainable future, my podcast, I had chairman acting, chairman Rostin Benham of the US CFTC, the Commodities Futures and Trading Commission, so the sister of the SCC. Carbon is a commodity, right? And, and I think they have an interest in developing bigger, higher quality carbon offsets markets. And that's key, right? I mean, how do you create things that are more authentic or higher quality and specifically removal based? 


Jason Mitchell (49:52) I had another conversation with Elizabeth Maruma Mrema, who's the executive secretary of the Convention on Biological Diversity for the United Nations. And I think from a biological or biodiversity perspective, I think it was interesting because I asked this question as well. I sense she did not say it overtly or explicitly. But I definitely got the sense that there should be, or may be an opening for offsets and to some degree they already are. But to explicitly solve the biodiversity issue the funding problem there. So I would say it seems naive to throw them out when policy signals seem to say this is going to be a bigger part. I read a really interesting Barclay's research report yesterday that talked about offsets markets growing from 500 million annually today, to 250 billion by 2030 and to 1 trillion annually by 2050. And so, I think it feels like this can be a constructive source of offsetting. It shouldn't be some dispensation to say, I can meet all I want, but I'm just going to use offsets. But it can be a powerful tool to take care of. Certainly, the residual that we can't genuinely remove towards the tail end, but it feels like there's a use case over the next 10 to 15 years in this transition. 


Jason Mitchell (51:30): Microsoft is a great example of this, where they talk about their kind of journey from 2010, where they widely used avoidance offsets, have transitioned now to removal offsets and are heavily using those to get to carbon negative by 2030. I think the interesting part is that I remember listening to a podcast with Lucas Joppa, the Chief Environmental Officer. But I found it really interesting where one of their big problems and they've been one of the most progressive around this area, is effectively just trying to find liquidity in high quality offsets. So that's the thing we should be solving for. I don't want to get these numbers wrong, but I do recall them in the market trying to buy something greater than 1 million tons of offsets. And the market was only 1.3 or 1.4 million tons. I mean, effectively, they were buying the market for offsets, in these high-quality offsets. And if that's the case, how do we grow that market and try and remove as much as possible? But not to go on this, but I think there's also another, not perfidious, but there's this sort of strain too in the long-short area where a number of managers are trying to make the case that shorting can support your path towards net zero. In my mind, those are completely distinct, right?


Ben Yeoh (53:07): Like getting paper from AQR. I think even Cliff Asness might have written it. 

Jason Mitchell (53:10): Yeah. 


Ben Yeoh (53:12): Talking about this, if people want to see that side of the argument. Yeah. But the short book is that issue with it being where the real economy is. But you can get to a finance portfolio where it looks net zero, so your thoughts.


Jason Mitchell (53:25): I think we're conflating a couple different things. Because I think what they're trying to do is address it from a carbon accounting perspective. But look, the point of net zero, despite problematic, that it's called “net zero” by taking your gross emissions and netting them with offsets, is ultimately you're trying to take offsets or you're trying to take emissions out of the atmosphere, right? Shorting, at least in my mind, doesn't do that. Nature based offsets, technology solutions would do that as, as genuine offsets. Personally, I don't buy that argument that shorting actually would solve the big problem that we're trying to address. That's not to say it's not useful. I do think that expressing your fund on a net emissions basis has its values. Look, if I was an investor in a long-short fund and I really cared about climate first, I'd want to see to what degree is-- How are they kind of addressing the big problem of managing emissions, right? And that's on the gross long-basis. But I'm also an investor in the fund. I'd be naturally interested in my economic exposure. If there's a carbon shock, if you see ETS or carbon allowances up X amount what would be the impact on my portfolio, right? And so I think that net figure can supplement in terms of the economic exposure alongside it. So it's not without its uses, but I think it's wrong to switch them.


Ben Yeoh (55:12): So that's a pretty sophisticated answer, probably the most sophisticated I've heard, so that's great. And so, it is not…We want better projects not to throw out all of the projects. There's the biodiversity angle, which I've heard few people talk about, but I think could be quite important potentially when you think about it. And then actually this loop back to the very first things we were saying, whether you are having a real economy impact or thinking where a need to base offset or technology might be doing something as opposed to pure carbon accounting, which might have its place, but is a different thing and you don't want to conflate the two. So yeah, really well articulated. Couple more on the overrated underrated, we're getting quite a lot out of these ones is I guess sustainable finance regulation. I guess people are thinking particularly of SFDR, but then U has come out with a load.


Jason Mitchell (56:06): SFDR.


Ben Yeoh (56:07): You've got-- Yes, SFDR,… You've had corporate governance codes, stewardship codes, I guess and things like that. I guess critics tend to, what do they argue over prescriptive. If you've got this sort of taxonomy, you can't go from dark brown to light brown maybe that's too restrictive and you've got all of these different nationalistic ones, which actually you refer to. On the other hand, what do you do about the fact that you have no standards, nowhere to start also protecting the real Intel investor, but also trying to funnel money into roughly the right buckets of area and arguably there has been a kind of market failure because there hasn't been enough done in which case, well, then you need more regulation, I guess, the two sides of that. So, any thoughts on sustainable finance regulation? You think it's overrated, underrated, or just some comment?


Jason Mitchell (56:58): Yeah, I'm going to say it's massively underrated, massively and not to say it's the panacea, I think it's going to probably get worse interpretationally before it gets better. I think the EU SFDR has been incredibly helpful for at least making an effort to address these difficult questions and I actually found it interesting that commissioner Allison Herren Lee on my podcast mentioned this as well that there's a place for principles-based approaches. I think in this space they tend to be too abstract, too broadly interpreted. It feels like we are increasingly headed to something more as a matter of necessity prescriptive, particularly in terms of defining protections against greenwashing, right? I mean, we've got to define what greenwashing is and I think one thing that has been probably overlooked, but where the US FDR has been incredibly helpful is introducing this contractual legalistic term, binding. So, I think in sort of my day doing ESG, I think I was always a little bit offended by other PMs that were trying to do it, but were doing it on an ad hoc basis. Like when it makes sense, they do it, but not really, not systematically and I think where the EU comes in is, I mean, they want something that is systematic, it's a binding term that you're measured by. So the attributes of your portfolio are determined by a certain kind of process, or you're doing this to your investment universe, which reshapes your portfolio in certain ways and this is something that, again, is binding.


Jason Mitchell (59:00): So, I think that's powerful. I think what's interesting in my mind though is just these issues that still need to be reconciled, which is this question around disclosure and I think we want better disclosure, but how do you make it happen? There have been critics for it. I actually applaud their decision. I think it was pragmatic and actually quite effective but how do you solve for getting better disclosure among all companies, not just companies with more than 500 employees. It's hard to kind of go to them and put a big reporting kind of burden on them just giving costs, resources, et cetera. One way of doing that is kind of creating these layers of legislation, but also attacking the investors. So getting the investors to actually drive that. So they've kind of inverted the disclosure cycle. So they've gone to investors first, placing pressures on investors and those investors then will place a lot of pressure on the underlying companies. It'll be interesting in the US where again, I think that they want to follow a much more linear path, so they want to go to the investors. I mean, sorry, so they want to go to the companies, improve disclosure and ultimately sort of have that lead to better disclosure at the product level.


Jason Mitchell (01:00:34): The other issue too is this sort of question of materiality and kind of what it represents. I think, as I talked about in that podcast, one of the things that has been interesting to me is and I know that you've read some of this stuff, but when you look at the speeches and statements coming out of the SEC and the SEC is composed of five commissioners, the balance of it tends to change per political cycle. So now it's Democrat heavy, but you find a lot of big philosophical, even ideological differences around principles based, more lenient or more prescriptive and views around things like materiality in particular. So we're watching that happen right now and there's certainly some antagon-- not antagonistic, but there are certainly some differing opinions between commissioners, particularly commissioner Pierce and commissioner Lee in terms of how to kind of calibrate this. In the EU process, a lot of that stuff was bureaucratically set, so we never really got to see a lot of it. So I think it's been sort of interesting to kind of see the teething pains of that legislation from an EU perspective, but effectively the seeds of it from a US perspective start to work out.


Ben Yeoh (01:02:07): Yeah, that's fascinating and I think you just articulated the case for regulation better than I've ever heard a regulator articulate it. So they could do with some of that. Okay, last couple on this one. Oh, actually, and I should tell everyone, if you want to hear more about that, do check out Jason's podcast with the SEC commissioner on that. That's a really fascinating one. Stakeholder capitalism, underrated, overrated, or any comments?


Jason Mitchell (01:02:34): Yeah, I feel like it's unfair to say it's underrated maybe because that's in the circle, I think, that you and I are in. I mean, we kind of-- Alex Edmond or Paul Pullman or others speak so widely about that. I mean, perhaps it's a European kind of UK thing. I would still call it underrated, but I feel like it's really starting to hit the mainstream. I think if I were a US investor, I would probably take a different view because it's still much of a shareholder kind of centric kind of perspective over there.


Ben Yeoh (01:03:15): Sure. What's a recent favorite podcast you've done, or one that you learned the most? Obviously, we had one with the SEC commissioner, which obviously was really recent and really fascinating, but any others over the time you've done it that you thought, oh, I really learned a lot from that one.


Jason Mitchell (01:03:31): Yeah. One of my recent favorite ones was with Chris Stark, the CEO of the climate change committee who is the independent advisor to the UK on their net zero plan and the work around it. And so, I think it was refreshing particularly some of the questions around how the role of the climate change committee is changing a little bit. They're having to become more of a moderating voice for the boosterism of the Boris Johnson sort of a cabinet and more of a kind of a factual check against some of the UK's claims. They are actually working on a new report for the recent treasury report that just came out. So it'll be interesting to hear from that. I think there have been a whole bunch of really interesting episodes. I mean, one that actually surprised me, and this happened several years ago, quite unexpectedly, was when I interviewed the CEO of a Spanish bank and this was probably about two and a half, three years ago and that is changing, but, but at least several years ago, they were kind of seen as a laggard in terms of the east G momentum across Europe, certainly behind, the Dutch, Nordic countries and Belgium and French.


Jason Mitchell (01:05:04): And so, I wasn't quite sure what to expect. I knew that he had a kind of keen interest in this and so we started the interview and it was clear he actually knew-- as a CEO, he actually knew quite a lot, particularly around climate and I made a quick remark about that on the tape. I said, "I'm actually quite surprised that you're so conversant and articulate around climate risk." And he looked at me, and this is in a room full of four or five other very senior people and he looked at me ungraciously for like seconds uncomfortably. He looked at me and he said, "Why?" And I kind of stammered and he said, "Barcelona," and this was in Barcelona, "Barcelo is X meters below sea level. We will be one of the first victims of climate change." And it was kind of unexpected, this realization that for certain cities like Barcelona, for instance, that this was actually really striking home in a real sense, not in a kind of a conceptual research report sense and that people were having to kind of plan around it their businesses or their lives, maybe. I thought that was really, really interesting.


Ben Yeoh (01:06:30): Yeah. That was really real. Cool and last two questions then. One is, what do you wish people understood more about the world? Or is there something that you think you really understand and that people haven't quite got?



Jason Mitchell (01:07:41): Yeah. I would actually have to go back to-- we began this episode talking about the work around the migrant crisis and in particular, and I sort of misstated the word but I mentioned Mary Robinson, the former president of Ireland and her work around the SDGs and her empathy for migrants, refugees and so I use pride. It's not just pride, it's this idea of dignity and I think that's the exact word that she used and that is the exact word that I sort of independently on that boat and across my experiences of which I hope to do more kind of realized, which was just very, very different from our working environment. Dignity has a lot of different connotations. In the work environment, you want a safe, good working environment no matter what. I think in a situation where people are voluntary or involuntary migrants, they've given up a lot and sacrificed a lot. They don't have a lot. The little things they have, dignity is actually a very large part of that. And it was something that I was very, very, very sensitive to on that boat, that particularly some of the families I'd seen that had kind of forfeited pretty much everything, treating them with dignity and speaking to them meant a lot.


Ben Yeoh (01:09:25): Yeah. Be kind, have dignity. Great. And the last question is do you have any advice for people listening? This could be advice for young people who want to be activists, some people thinking about finance as a career, somebody who might want to think about being a poet or a poet and an investor. Any advice for people?


Jason Mitchell (01:09:49): Yeah. So, my favorite piece of advice that a mentor had told me once was no doesn't mean never. I've got boxes 20 or 30 years ago when I was kind of a struggling poet at university and thinking about getting a master in Fine Arts, where I was sending self-addressed stamped envelopes with five to eight poems to every literary journal in the US and abroad and effectively getting 95% rejection receipts back. I feel like that was fortified in a sense. There's a lot of talk about failure porn, this idea of using it to fortify, but I'm a big believer in this. If you keep trying around areas, you should not accept no as sort of this final determinant for what you want to do.


Ben Yeoh (01:10:57): Yeah. That's a really good piece. No does not mean never. So with that, Jason Mitchell, thank you very much.

Jason Mitchell (01:11:05): Thanks so much for having me.


Ben Yeoh (01:11:08): If you appreciate the show, please like and subscribe as it helps others find the podcast.

In ESG, Economics, Investing, Carbon, Pensions, Podcast Tags Jason Mitchell, Podcast, investing, esg, Man, hedge funds

Diane Coyle: innovation, intangibles, inequality, sustainability and measuring beyond GDP | podcast

August 31, 2021 Ben Yeoh

Economist Diane Coyle is the Bennett Professor of Public Policy Cambridge University. She co-directs the Bennett Institute where she heads research under the themes of progress and productivity. Her work has touched innovation, technology and intangibles; sustainability, inequality and measuring beyond GDP.  Her latest book, Cogs and Monsters is published in October 2021.

We discuss the challenges of the current narrowness in economics both in terms of the diversity of  people it attracts and the paucity of wider ranging interdisciplinary thinking.

Diane’s 1997 book (The Weightless World) was prescient over many technology, innovation and intangibles trends but sustainability was a missing hole. We discuss sustainability and what she felt she missed and what she got right.

Diane critiques degrowth ideas while noting the challenges which catalyse that type of thinking.

We chat about measurement challenges in an intangible world and how while GDP might have measured more usefully in the past but that in the present it misses many areas of value. In passing, Diane critiques happiness indices and elements of the human development index. 

We address the UK’s productivity challenges (but don’t expect we have solved it?!) and conclude it is not only a measurement challenge.

We discuss inequality and “superstar earners” across all sectors and possible solutions.

Diane over-rates / under-rates:

  • Universal Basic Income

  • A Job guarantee policy

  • Industrial Policy

  • Arrow’s impossibility theorem

  • Running the economy hot.

  • The New Zealand Prime Minister 

We discuss minimum wage and tax policy. Win-win investment ideas and end with what a productive day looks like and advice for would-be economists. You can follow her on Twitter here and her blog can be found here.

PODCAST INFO

  • Apple Podcasts: https://apple.co/3gJTSuo

  • Spotify: https://sptfy.com/benyeoh

  • Anchor: https://anchor.fm/benjamin-yeoh


Transcript (unedited, typos likely)

Ben Yeoh (00:03): Hey everyone. I am super excited to be speaking to Diane Coyle. Diane is the Bennett professor of public policy at Cambridge university, and she co-directs the Bennett Institute where she heads research under the themes of progress and productivity. Her work has touched innovation, technology and intangibles, sustainability, inequality, and measuring beyond GDP. Her latest book, Cogs and Monsters, is published in October 2021. Diane, welcome.


Diane Coyle (00:32): Well, it's great to be here talking to you. Thank you.


Ben Yeoh (00:36): Great. So is there such a thing as a radical centrist and perhaps are you one?


Diane Coyle (00:45): Well, that's a difficult question to start off with. I don't think of myself as being left or right party political at all. So I suppose that ticks the centrist box. Am I radical? Well, I hope so but particularly if that means thinking in new ways about how to solve some of the challenges society's facing, which are big and complicated, social scientists causing wicked problems. What we've been trying so far very obviously hasn't worked. So I suppose by kind of deconstructing it, I'd have to answer yes to the question.


Ben Yeoh (01:23): Great. And so you've worked with Jason Furman reviewing competition markets but did you know he is also a fairly prolific book reviewer, which is another thing you might have in common with him?


Diane Coyle (01:37): I believe he reviews on Good Reads--


Ben Yeoh (01:39): Yeah, he does review [on Good Reads] 


Diane Coyle (01:41): --Which I don't use very much and I review books on my blog. I read many more than I review. The blog is about economics and business books and technology and a bit of politics and I read lots of fiction and pop science and other things too.


Ben Yeoh (01:56): What's brought you to review so many books on your blog? Is it kind of just a way of remembering or are you trying to kind of reach a wider audience with your reading?


Diane Coyle (02:05): It's a bit of both. It's a bit of a service, so people who might be interested in reading some non-technical economics and business books can get a quick readout on what I think about them and if they know anything about what interests me that might help them. So it's a bit of that, and it's a bit as you suggest remembering myself, what it's all about. So it's a short note. I mean, obviously if it's a book I'm going to use in my work, I've got much more extensive notes on it and little stickies from the pages and these are quite short as they have to be blog posts and people can seem to find it quite useful.


Ben Yeoh (02:40): Yeah, I do particularly, and to me it also gives a glimpse of the kind of breadth of your work and thinking and I think this breadth is notable as I observe you've been critical of some of the narrowness of certain economic thinking, both in terms of output and thought, but also where economists are drawn from and like finance, economist seem to be fairly white, fairly male and not working class. Whereas you have working class roots and have kind of this kind of more broad outreach. As economics as a social science, how big a problem do you think this is and do you have any ideas on what can be done?


Diane Coyle (03:23): There are two big questions in there. I think one is about economics and one is about joining up thinking across silos more broadly than that. So starting with economics, as you say, it has become a very socially narrow subject, particularly, I think in the Anglo-Saxon world and I'm less sure about the kind of sociology of economics in other countries. I think it's a little bit different, but not much because it's a very international subject and you're not a social science if all your people are drawn from quite affluent white male, people asking the research questions, deciding what they think is important. You just don't know what questions to ask if everybody comes from the same background, that diversity of background is really important for social sciences. And a little bit of the problem with academic subjects more broadly but not entirely. There are some other subjects, computer science could be one or philosophy is actually quite male dominated and posh as well. And so that narrowness is a real problem and I think it maps on to a narrowness in a way of thinking about what good economics involves. I'm a really strong defender of economics. It's a very powerful mode of analysis. It's very empirical now and it's driven by logic and it has some really great insights, but it's very focused on maximizing models and a certain limit about how you think the world changes and very, very little looking outside the subject. It's really hard to understand how markets operate if you don't know anything about the sociology of markets or even the ethnography of markets and after the financial crisis, there was some great sociology published on the financial markets, economists had ignored them.


So there's all of that. How does it change? I think it's partly the good things that the professional associations are doing to go and talk to people in school and communicate better and put a lot of emphasis, particularly on women economics, but now more broadly on people from different minority groups or different kinds of backgrounds. But I think the subject itself has to accept a wider definition of what a good economics is about and it's not just the same top five journals doing the same kind of narrow small questions study with limited range of technique. Open economists don't even rate qualitative research techniques when they're equally rigorous and it's just a different form of data, really. So that's all the economics bit. I'm rabbiting on a bit, but I'll just go onto the other bit, which I feel really passionately about and that's joining up knowledge across silos because the university have become very departmentally siloed and all of the promotion prospects depend on publication, which is in disciplinary journal, but it's really hard to address global warming, loss of biodiversity grotesque income inequality, conflict. Any of these subjects, you can't do that just from one discipline. So everybody's sort of burrowing away, plowing their own furrow to mix the metaphors and we're not going to make progress and all of that money that gets spent on research will not deliver all it could if we don't manage to find ways to work together across subjects. And so our Institute here, the Bennett Institute is all about interdisciplinary working.


Ben Yeoh (06:59): Yeah, I think that's really valuable. I see this in my world of investing that too many, particularly of the older generation, but even now I'm taught sustainability investment techniques, I'm taught about thinking about intangibles. It was all sort of a very standard, let's do an accounting model, let's do a DCF discount and see what comes out at the end of that and therefore have missed all of these, let's call them extra financial capitals as well. And without people kind of challenging and thinking about them, it's quite hard to get that into a sort of mainstream thinking and techniques. I was rereading your, I think, 1997 book The Weightless World and it showed a lot of great foresight on many of the technology and tangible innovations we've had today but it seemed noticeable to me fast forward to today that there weren't so many words on sustainability and the environment. So I'd be interested in reflecting back what you feel you might've got most right and maybe some of those trends which are continuing and maybe what you think about what you might have missed and what, again, that is important for today and thinking about the longer term.


Diane Coyle (08:14): It's a real coincidence you should raise that because I was thinking about it as a gap in the book yesterday. I was rereading a book by John Urry and Scott Lash called Economies of Signs and Space and it's a sociology book that came out a few years before my book, The Weightless World but was on exactly the same territory about how digital was changing society. And I read it after I'd published mine, but they did pick up on sustainability actually and it does feature in there. As you say, I completely missed that. I think I did get some things right about the way the world of work might become more precarious and you couldn't use companies to deliver government policy so easily, or the welfare state would have to change its structure. The geography of the agglomeration economies, the way that things were clustered together, and some of the potential for digital currencies, which is, I guess, just starting to take off big time. And so there are quite a few things I think I did identify as a future trend but with that one huge exception and I suppose I just had it in a separate bucket in my head having talked about how hard it was to cross silos. It's just quite hard to join things up and I didn't do it.


Ben Yeoh (09:41): And you think obviously from those comments, that is probably going to be one of the major themes for the next decade or two going forward.


Diane Coyle (09:50): It'll have to be when you see what's already happening in terms of weather events and the financial world as you know better than I do is starting to pick up on this with things like bank of England and other central banks getting in on taking account of climate risk or hopefully biodiversity risks as well, which also matters a lot. My colleague Matthew Agarwala  has done some work on climate adjusted Sovereign [bond/debt] ratings. So the finance world is getting there, I think but I worry that people aren't really getting their heads around how big the changes need to be or will be. If we see these kinds of extreme weather events every year, we are going to have climate refugees, we're going to have conflict and all of the spillovers that implies for us and it's very easy for policymakers to do some small fixes, but not to realize that there's going to be a big change in the world and they need to do big fixes. So that's one of the things that preoccupy me at the moment.


Ben Yeoh (10:50): Yeah. It's not an intersectional challenge. I mean, sticking with sustainability wider and the climate challenge. My observations are there's a multitude of economists who backed some form of carbon price in either a tax or a cap and trade continue to remain less popular with the public and thus with politicians but given those intersectional challenges that we see everything, I talked to a lot of people and they kind of think is this the best that current economic thinking can do with some of these challenges. Obviously there is research and happening and more than that. Would you point to anything else that you think economists are offering in terms of the climate challenge, or do you think without some sort of carbon price in that market mechanism, a part as a sort of underlying foundation, some of these other ideas are not going to get through.


Diane Coyle (11:44): I think we have to throw everything at it and one tool won't be enough. So, of course, I think a carbon price could be a powerful tool, but we'll have to see government step in and mandate things or ban things and we'll have to see businesses changing their practices and figuring out quickly how not to use plastics in packaging and how to move away from using any internal combustion engines in their transportation. All of those things have to happen. So it's a question of how do you align all of that on a big enough scale that you tip things toward a different model of production and consumption in the economy? One of the most powerful things I think is, and this is very nerdy, it's about economic statistics because that's the way you understand what's happening in the world and my colleague here in Cambridge.  [ Dasgupta] did a review for the treasury on biodiversity where he just made a really powerful case that the big failing of economists has been leaving nature outside of the economy. We've not put it inside what we call the production boundary, so we haven't counted it and there's not enough data on all of these things that are going on. We're just getting to the point where statisticians are measuring natural capital on an aggregate national scale and being able to track what happens with that. 


UN is accepting it which is great, but we've got to step up gear and measure in detail, what are the climate damages, what are the carbon impacts of consumption as well as production, what's happening to biodiversity in different ecosystems with all the implications that might or might not have for human health and the food system and joining up those dots again as you're saying, Ben, because seven million people die each year from pollution, WHO says, which is more than who has died during the pandemic to date. And we haven't been paying attention to the costs of pollution, the human capital costs, the economic costs of that and so we've got to bring that into our thinking about how we run the economy and the statisticians can do it, I think.


Ben Yeoh (13:58): Yeah, I agree. I mean, we've only just really started tracking particulate matter, these small PMI, 2.5 type things. And I think WHO you know, the limit, they actually don't give a sort of limit of what they think is healthy because they kind of think all of this particular matter is probably damaging. I wonder, there's a little bit of pushback I hear on natural capital in the sense that people worry about whether the economic trick techniques are sort of sophisticated enough in the round to sort of measure and deal with this. So you feel they are and is that intersection, I guess with say systems biology or ecology there that actually the picture we paint is probably good enough, you don't want to get into this case we're going to seven decimal places where you've got the kind of order of magnitude of things right? Or is there still research which needs to be done in terms of getting these techniques robust enough that we feel that we can have some sort of natural capital accounting, because then I think if that feels robust, there is no theoretical reason that might not start to flow into corporate accounts of some sort, which obviously financial accounting, but if there was some natural capital accounting and accounts, then that's something where investors and other stakeholders can then start to hold businesses somewhat accountable to, or could even vote certain ways with a business model. But it's so absent at the moment that it's very hard to know where to start.


Diane Coyle (15:26): That's really interesting because I often get a different kind of pushback, which is that you shouldn't be trying to quantify and put a monetary value on things that are intrinsically valuable to which my answer is that if you don't do some kinds of accounting, you're putting a value of zero, which we know is the wrong answer. And I suppose I'd give the same answer to your question, which is we probably don't have the right answer, but it's a broad brush one better than none. I think it is. There's obviously a need for more data and more granular data and there are definitional challenges about that, particularly with ecosystems and biodiversity but the big problem it seems to me it's not so much technique as integrating different disciplines and the climate and the economic and political changes, for instance. I talked about Matthew's paper with his co-authors and they run a climate model and look at GDP impacts but what ideally you want to do is say, well, this means that the countries in the middle east are going to become uninhabitable. So what does that imply? What do the people there do? And what are the social and political spillovers from that? There's a really nice Paul Krugman article from years and years ago, where he talks about why he became an economist and it was about the idea of psycho history in the Asimov foundation trilogy and that takes you towards that grand ambition of integrated knowledge, which is probably complete nonsense


Ben Yeoh (17:01): We can aspire to the science fiction world or the solar science fiction world. Another debate I kind of hear around this comes from, I guess so-called de-growth thinkers such as maybe Kate Roth or Jason Hickle and it seems to me that many other thinks that de-growth is very challenging because of the idea of lifting the poor in a country, or even between countries, between richer countries or poor countries, or the poor within richer countries. Where do you see the role for growth and is therefore a de-growth economy, anything we can learn from that, or is it going to go down the wrong path because of the challenges about raising people up from poverty?


Diane Coyle (17:48): A couple of weeks ago, I took part in a round table with African economists who were very critical of the growth for exactly the reason that you just explained. They don't see it as a model for their thinking at all, so they were pushing back a lot against those models and so on. So there's definitely that. And I think some of the de-growth advocates don't really articulate clearly what the implications of their approach are, but I have a different objection to it, which is a kind of misunderstanding of what economists mean by growth. And as we were talking about the weightless world, there has been a separation between growth of material used in the economy and creation of value in the economy but if you say to me, we want to keep GDP as it is or reduce GDP, it's not saying to me you can't buy 5 handbags, you can only have one. It's saying to me, actually, we can't invent a vaccine because that's valuable and it would add to GDP. A lot of GDP is ideas, it's services. So I think it really requires a much more sophisticated understanding of what growth is and how that translates into economic measures like GDP. So I'm not a fan of de-growth while at the same time completely respecting the imperative to do something about sustainability.


Ben Yeoh (19:14): Yes. I think Mark Carney said something similar - he was challenged [on growth]  as in, do you think you can have sort of infinite growth and that type of thing, and his reply is that, well, you could have carbon light growth, you can have physical capital, not intensive type of growth and talking about sort of the digital world you can have things on Fortnight. You're buying digital clothes to show off where it's not necessarily physical clothes.


Diane Coyle (19:44): And of course that uses energy, so there's no physical cost, but that's the kind of calculation you need to make. In the end thermodynamics will kick in. So infinite growth and that's because it's not possible.


Ben Yeoh (19:56): Sure. Yeah. But perhaps a long way out or not. That kind of brings me to thinking about this aphorism, which we got two halves of already, which is what gets measured gets managed. But then there's another one, which is this idea that not everything that can be counted really counts and then the opposite about some things which are really important, but are really hard to count. And your book on GDP seems to me to argue that GDP did measure something fairly useful in the last 100 years, 200 years, and maybe going back, but as the world has moved much more intangible and we've had to address ideas like natural capital, social capital, human, intellectual, and the like, that current thinking about what GDP encompasses is somewhat inadequate. So where do you think that what we're measuring at the moment is getting it right and where do you think we're really falling short?


Diane Coyle (20:58): Yeah, I do, as you say, see the gap between GDP and what we might care about in terms of economic wellbeing or welfare is growing and making the GDP less and less useful. There was a paper by an economist called Vegra Licas who taught me at Harvard many years ago and he calculated what proportion of the US economy he thought was unmeasurable, or hard to measure. And it was, I think it was something like 43% in 1994 and I redid the calculation and I think it's something like 23% now is easy to measure and therefore 77% is hard to measure. And it's because ideas are creating so much more of the value and that might be because it's in services and the quality of the service really matters. And so the price there is a signal of quality and you can't use it to calculate real GDP in the same way all those quality changes and all the electronics goods that we buy all the time. There are new goods, like new vaccines, and it's really hard to figure out how to incorporate those. So just generally the way the economy has changed makes it hard to do this deficient that we always do between here's the pounds or dollars amount spent in the economy and here's what we think about it in real terms or volume terms, because although it's called real, it's an abstraction. GDP isn't a natural thing anyway and that abstraction that we use and we get the growth figures, 9.2% or whatever it is each quarter, it's very hard to interpret what it means now, I think.


Ben Yeoh (22:36): And so there's a lot of talk in the media and, I guess, economists about so-called UK productivity challenge or the global productivity challenge but I guess there's been some pushback about how much of that challenge is really a measurement challenge, partly measurement, and how much it's been based on some causal factors which no one quite understands. From your point of view do you think much of it is a measurement challenge and what do you think are the root causes of it in your opinion?


Diane Coyle (23:09): So there are definitely measurement issues to think about. That doesn't mean that there are no headwinds against productivity. [There is a] hangover from the financial crisis, demographic change the time it takes companies to adopt new technologies and there are lots of historical examples of how slow that can be, and it's now being called a productivity [challenge].  So all of that's real if I can use that word. It doesn't mean that GDP is getting worse at measuring what GDP measures, but that's different from what you might be interested in measuring. And so we might become much more interested in measuring a different meaning of productivity. If I can think of an example, I'm trying to think about time and productivity now because in services and actually a lot of manufacturing, productivity gains have been about saving time, doing routine things faster, or squeezing out unproductive time from processes and logistics system but there are also services where time spent will increase the quality and therefore arguably the productivity, the service. So if I'm getting a blood test done, I want it to be quick, no time wasted. If I'm in intensive care, I want to have a dedicated ICU nurse who can spend all their time looking after me. So I'm playing around with this idea about is there just a completely different way of thinking about productivity than taking GDP and doing some things to it to calculate what the productivity level would be. But that's a very long-winded way of saying, I think there is a puzzle, I think there are some good reasons to believe in it. It's not all about measurement, but that doesn't mean the measurement questions aren't really interesting because they're about concepts really.


Ben Yeoh (25:04): And I think that you've been relatively critical of some happiness indexes as a sort of alternative and there's some other things out there like a peace index you've got human development index and things like that. I'd be interested in what currently you're thinking might replace or supplement some thinking around GDP and whether you continue to remain slightly critical of what sort of perhaps happiness economics or some of the claims that happiness economics makes versus GDP.


Diane Coyle (25:39): I am still critical about them. One reason being that they're kind of black box theories, that you can do econometrics, regressions that show you that well-being measures, stated life satisfaction measures are positively correlated with various things. But there's no kind of theory that has been tested about it. So you can certainly advocate cognitive behavioral therapy for mental health reasons. That might be a really good thing to do, but if the person suffering the mental health problems is living in a dump flat with no money, then it's not really good to solve the problems for them. It's also the same challenge as with GDPs, you're trying to reduce a complex assessment of how things are going into one number and the thing about GDP is there's a whole load of economic theory about how you combine things to get that one number. And a lot of the alternatives are just quite arbitrary and the human development index, for example, has some really unpleasant implications about how you value life in different countries, just because of the way it meshes together incomes and life expectancy. And then the other issue I have about some of the happiness advocates is that they're kind old fashioned utilitarian. It's doing it top down to people. We will do happiness to you. There's that flavor about it that I just, as a [Inaudible:00:27:05], I don't particularly like.


Ben Yeoh (27:10): Great. Yeah, that's food for thought. Yeah, I think that's right. So I studied some neuroscience and experiments in psychology, and there was always this more suspicion about if you couldn't tie it into a kind of testable model or a theory about what was coming about, it's all fine to have your empirical data and something else, but it's so much stronger when it is actually backed in something biological or real world in basis.


Diane Coyle (27:38): Well, we might get there, but I think it's not there yet. There's a lot of strong policy claims being made.


Ben Yeoh (27:44): So circling back to Jason Furman we've had at the start. So you've been interested in competition policy and part of the review and I guess one strand of thinking is that we have some of these mega corporations or particularly technology corporations and they're stifling competition much harder to these tech startups and things like that and therefore that's bad for consumers. And then I guess they argue that they don't have as much, I guess, what is it vertical sort of competition so these startups can't happen in a sort of horizontal place, and yes, they might buy them up, but they're still appearing and going and aren't we giving so much value to consumers by providing our products and some of these for free or for what the things like that. And I think the review tended to sort of say, no, actually there probably is an issue with sort of competition and fluidity and dynamism and that would actually be better for the economy and consumers. Have I kind of read that right from your point of view, kind of now a couple of years down the line, post pandemic where a lot of companies kind of have been very helpful, but it has been quite concentrated as well? Has that changed your view?


Diane Coyle (29:05): These are clearly services that people really value. I started a piece of work with co-author David Nguyen looking at what people say they would need to be paid to give up different free services. We included parks, but we will set it to online shopping, search, Facebook [ ] and we managed to run it in February 2020, May 2020 and February, 2021. So the timing was very lucky and people state high median values for a lot of these services, particularly search and personal email, they stand out compared to all the others but parks as well. And they changed in the ways that you'd expect with a lockdown. So online shopping became much more valued by particularly older groups of people. So, they are highly valued and as a policymaker, you should interfere with that cautiously. So I'm not a fan of the idea that you break up these companies, because a lot of the value that they deliver to people is that they have the network effects and they link up all kinds of different things. But the issue is can people with better technologies get into the market in the way Google took over from Yahoo or Facebook took over from My Space. And I still think, no, they can't now. So personally, I think data access is one of the barriers to competition and finding some way to make the services more interoperable seems quite important. If you think about it, we can all text each other, use SMS and mobile calls because the barriers were not engineered in and they have been engineered in social media, for instance. 


So thinking about that and thinking about rights of data access seems important to me, but also scrutinizing mergers much more and thinking about the whole raft of things; kills zone acquisitions, the things that might make startups hesitate to go into a certain area if they think Amazon is going to get into it ahead of them and all of those things need looking at. So all the competition authorities, EU, US, China also, and the UK are looking at ways to tackle this and I don't see it as a settled view about the right thing to do. So, things will get tried and we'll see how it goes. I don't know what the chances of success are. Do I think Google will not be a big and powerful company in 10 years time? I suspect it will be.


Ben Yeoh (31:46): Maybe touching on thoughts on inequality maybe just through the lens of share of capital, labor and potentially pay. I know there's been commentary and you made some comments as well that senior management pay at a lot of companies has really escalated, particularly when you look at it as multiples of average worker pay. On the other hand, you also see this across all sectors of children's book authors at the very top also making more money sports people, footballers. So it seems to be a cross sector wide phenomenon. And I'm actually often asked to think about sort of these pegs, we have these concepts of fairness as well. On the other hand, some of these companies are now just sort of an astonishing number of a trillion dollars of market cap, and they would claim if you're increasing that 10%, you're making a hundred billion dollars of value. So to get 1% of that value might seem reasonable, even though it might not seem that reasonable to a worker. So I was wondering what you're thinking about inequality and what me might want to do about that and whether, I guess this is a side effect of that capitalistic incentive route and is there other ways of sort of modifying that, which doesn't destroy the incentive system as well, or do you think it needs a more thorough examination overall?


Diane Coyle (33:15): I think it's become socially toxic that there are people who do earn so much money and I'm very skeptical that an individual makes so much difference to corporate outcomes that they deserve 1% of the gain and there's been an upward ratchet. And in my consultancy days when I tried helping companies write their annual reports, you would see the remuneration committee say, well, we want to attract the best people so we'll pay in the top quartile of our peer group. And then the next year, everybody does the same thing and the next year everybody does the same thing and so it just doesn't reflect. So it's supposed to be about incentives, but it's not really, it's just about the structure of the way that they fit the incentives and the other pernicious effect of it all is that stock options plans give companies an incentive to buy back and that means they're not investing in better products and new activities, but all in all, I think the system really is problematic. As you say in your question, the superstar phenomenon pushes the other way and it's a genuine phenomenon. The way I think about it is there's a Milton Friedman essay from the 60s where he talks about why inequality is perfectly acceptable and he goes through all of these thought experiments. So somebody who spends a long time training, do they not deserve higher pay? Well, most people say yes, of course they do. Somebody's got a particular natural talent, they're brilliant actors. Do you resent them becoming a movie star even if the economics of technology of movies mean that they're getting so much more money than Betty Davis used to back in the day? And people don't really mind that. And you get through this list and it's all very reasonable and then at the end, he says, but if it becomes so unequal that it's socially divisive then you tear up all of those things and you fix it. 


So I think if Milton Friedman said inequality can become too divisive, then we should probably take that seriously and there are people who lead lives that are so totally separate. They've got no idea how the rest of the community, how their fellow citizens are living. I think it's really unhealthy and many rich people seem to think that they don't owe society. Why should they pay their taxes? So they've become a kind of group part and it seems to me really unhealthy. What would you think?


Ben Yeoh (35:58): Well the counter arguments or some of the counter arguments, I guess, are that-- Okay, I'll say one thing that it seems to be when you ask people, people mind less about entrepreneurs than they do about corporate managers, although even there is a thing. So we mind less about the Richard Bransons and the Jeff Bezos of the world because like you pointed out, like a sports person, they kind of did it all themselves as opposed to someone who's come up, not the founder or put their own life in risk capital, but came up as a manager. So there's a kind of interesting question about does society view those people differently. CEOs and very market-based people would also sometimes argue that, oh, we are worth more than 1% because when we leave, we see our stock price goes down 5%. That would be one argument and then the argument people make with the stock buyback is that actually you're meant to do stock buybacks and dividends after you've done all of your productive investment in long-term R&D and things like that. There's obviously counter arguments about maybe there was not long-term or short term enough, but at least that's the argument there. I think, to the points that you alluded to, because the problems are across so many sectors and also non sort of corporate as well as corporate maybe I think you alluded to we simply kind of need higher taxes that people actually pay and actually there is an increasing amount of people, I think even in senior managers to do on a lot who would be prepared to do that. And interestingly, circling back to something that Jason Furman said recently. 


He was saying that higher taxes is one of those areas where he doesn't think it'll particularly help growth or productivity or anything, but the fairness aspect was the fact that it should be, he thinks broadly neutral to where he's seeing growth and productivity would be a positive and that would allude to your point that you were making via Friedman that that sense of fairness means you don't get those divisions because the systematic second or the point around-- aside from the people and the structure, which again, that's what you allude to is the social contract or the social capital. And there are signs trust has gone down, maybe social capital is eroded and to the extent that this sense of fairness is eroding that then on a systems level a little bit like a lot of these things we're talking about sustainable and climate, on the systems level that can be and continues to be actually quite troubling and maybe destructive. And so you do have to lean against that, even though you can look at the individual case and that seems fair, but I don't know whether you can just do it through the corporate arm when you have the issue across non-corporate and you see it within inequality. So actually maybe we should just do these higher taxes and then we actually know from my reading of it, again, I'm not actually a trained economist, I do this from a [investing] lens, but things like investing in education, investing in our children, investing in our natural capital, all of those are kind of win-wins on a long-term basis that get really high returns, whether they're social returns or financial returns. 


So it seems as capital allocation, it's not that we lack good ideas for where we could put that tax money, we have them. So that would seem to me to make sense, but the actual pressure on individual company votes, which is the lens that we see it, is currently quite fraught because of that. And therefore, I do think this is something where the system, and by that it will probably have to be government needs to notch it a little bit harder than just trying to let the-- Well, no markets are completely free, right? There's social contracts and regulations. It is not something that this form of market can actually solve by itself.


Diane Coyle (39:52): Yeah, I agree and I suppose if that doesn't happen and you're pessimistic, we're in the world of [Thomas Piketty{?} ] or [Walter Schiedel] where the thing that does bring about a reversal and an equalization is some kind of catastrophe, more of [a disaster of some kind] and if we want to avoid that, maybe we should try doing something else.


Ben Yeoh (40:13): Yeah, exactly. Fall of the Roman empire (ref: to Scheidel book and cf. Four Horseman]and all of that. Maybe, just touching on a couple of other of your experiences, I'm kind of thinking boards and maybe BBC and also investor Chronicle. I was thinking about your work on the BBC at that very high level. Maybe you can give us a glimpse into what boards actually do and the kind of challenges they have managing big complex organizations where you have some see-through, but you obviously won't have everything. I mean, the BBC seems really interesting to me, public good. When I have a glimpse on social media, it seems to be attacked from both the right and the left. It seems to me that maybe they're doing a kind of balancing job because they can attack from both sides and you've got the strategic board, which has got a lot of different challenges to handle. Can you give a glimpse of what that is actually like and how hard it is?


Diane Coyle (41:13): I can try, it's a big question. I think the BBC is a really important institution in the UK for social and cultural and educational reasons, the public service broadcasting that it does, but also as an industrial policy and I think this is underappreciated. It's got a great engineering department. It started out as a deliberate industrial policy to make sure this country had a foothold in the emerging radio industry and it has through investing in R&D, through training a lot of people who work in the industry and laterally through providing a market for all kinds of broadcast content, but also bringing new music to the audience and commissioning classical music. So we're one of the few net exporters of music in the world and I think that industrial policy that nobody talks about through the BBC is part of that. Having said that I found being on the BBC trust the predecessor to the current board and dealing with the management just unbelievably frustrating and I think it's for all the reasons that you're hinting at about non-executive roles and it's partly an information problem because you can set up all kinds of processes and board packs to try and make sure you know what's going on. You're never going to know what's going on in the same way that the executives are and that's an inherent challenge to which you can only make sure that you talk to lots of other people outside as well. Part of the process for me was a kind of formal approval process that involved working with Ofcom and talking to industry stakeholders. 


So I heard all the complaints that they always made about BBC being too dominant in the market and the Ofcom perspective, which is very different. But that's one of the challenges. The other though it just goes back to the previous bit of our conversation is that these are really clever, really highly paid confident executives and we were part time [Inaudible:00:43:23] public sector much, much, much less well paid non-executives. I think my pay for it was something like 20, 30000 pounds a year. I can't quite remember, but that ballpark order of magnitude difference. So that correlation is quite challenging as well and you've got a confident board who've got something that they want to do and they're going to advocate for it and they're going to present the information to you in a particular way. You've really got to have a lot of courage to say no, so you can ask questions, but stopping something happening is really difficult. I think our big success was having huge fights with the BBC management about their executive pay. And it's a difficult thing because they are in a very competitive market where people are really highly paid, so they can't cut it too far, but they were overpaying themselves. It was an attitude with the political climate. We had a standup rouse, but we won that one. And I think that was one of the merits of that governance system, which was much criticized, it was kind of [Inaudible:00:44:38] and in the end they got scrapped and replaced to the unitary board. I doubt they have stand up fights between their non-execs and their executives and I doubt Ofcom gets into that kind of detail. So I don't think that could happen again.


Ben Yeoh (44:54): That's fascinating. So the first part was probably one of the best articulations of a defense of the BBC that I've heard. I think it's very interesting that I don't hear that many people defend the BBC as articulately as that and plus you can see it [in iplayer]  and all of these other things and from my work in theater world, I know people going to BBC learn a lot of skills and then move into private sector or film or wherever and much, much more valuable from it. In that sense, they are definitely providing training and R&D. But to your point, there are these and I think BBC kind of epitomizes it in a sort of public way, but this problem with non-execs and boards and compensation and all of that-- It did bring to mind that there is a comparison actually within Sweden where you have Swedish domestic, more local CEOs or senior management. Their pay is decided at a lower level by their boards and sometimes it's more boards as well. But where you have Swedish companies, in fact, generally applies Nordics, which are much more global in nature. So they make the claim that we could go to an American company and do this job and get paid 10 times more. They have much more trouble, but where you feel like either because it's purpose driven or because no, we're only selling something relatively more domestic, they actually have less of this issue and then some of it is cultural. They're much more prepared to say, okay, well, if this is the medium worker, I will cut myself at X because I don't really need another 10 million Swedish krona on that. Great. Well, I thought we'd do a small section of overrated, underrated, and then finish with maybe a couple of pieces of advice if that's good for you. So you can pass, you can say things are correctly rated or not. But overrated or underrated then UBI universal basic income.


Diane Coyle (46:53): Overrated. Seems to me it's a neoliberal answer to a neoliberal problem. The problem is people are being employed on precarious contracts, low wages, minimum wage is not enforced, all of that stuff. Pay them properly, make labor market regulation work. But you can't buy a good school with your individual basic income. You can't buy a bus service that will get you into work. So I'm not a strong advocate of universal basic infrastructure, give people good schools, good hospitals, and good transport.


Ben Yeoh (47:28): So do you find it strange that so many people who I think would consider themselves progressive or therefore left leaning or maybe even anti market do something, which I think it's-- I don't know if it's Peter Thiels' actual idea, but he's definitely a proponent of that quite libertarian Silicon valley bent on UBI.


Diane Coyle (47:48): I find it absolutely incomprehensible, I must say. Yeah. You know why it's so popular?


Ben Yeoh (47:57): I think so there is the libertarian bent in Silicon valley. Actually in the US, this is my own personal pet theory, as they see something akin in the way that their disability benefits work. So their disability benefits are almost like very low substandard, higher barrier UBI cause if you can claim them, you often never go off them. So there's a certain way of doing that and I feel that through that lens, they felt well, this is a way that the welfare could work. Plus they have this culture of this sort of the individual, you give something and you can make it go for you and therefore they've come to that and also because Silicon valley that kind of Californian thinking is this sort of little bubble in itself. I don't know if you've been to San Francisco recently, but you could see these pictures. You've got some of the richest people in the world and they walk past a sort of homeless and homeless drugs and housing and all of that infrastructure problems. So there's a particular-- and we all suffer it in our hometown, so I know. I live in London and I will walk past similar, I am sure. But as an outsider, you can see even in a degree and I think that is something which does discolor our thinking.


Diane Coyle (49:21): If it demands to make the benefits system work better and be simpler, then it's hard to argue with it but you know, that's not really universal basic income.


Ben Yeoh (49:31): No, I agree. But I think that's where their thinking is. That's my pet theory on it. Anyway, it's probably much more complex than that. So maybe moving one step on UBI this policy idea of a job guarantee.


Diane Coyle (49:48): Underrated because there are lots of things that need doing in public service and if you're paying people unemployment benefits, then the marginal return on paying them a little bit more to do a job. It seems like a no-brainer to me.


Ben Yeoh (50:05): Yeah. And there's a lot of, in my view, what we would call it soft skills to actually turning up and being at work, which is very valuable to future employers and it's also very valuable to yourself, actually, both mental resilience and these other soft skills that you need to sort of go, oh, I have to turn up on time and do whatever this is. Maybe it's planting new flowers in our community gardens. So something where you have the incremental, although I do think a kind of upskilling general idea program might work similarly, but I guess they're cousin ideas. Okay. Overrated, underrated the idea of running the economy hot, which is topical at the moment.


Diane Coyle (50:51): I'm not sure I really know what people mean when they say that or how they would--


Ben Yeoh (0:56): I guess they're meaning, particularly in the US it's this fiscal stimulus where you might be giving people fiscal money, as well as monetary stimulus by these lower interest rates so that you are trying to maximize where you are with employment and everything else and maybe even cause inflation or these nominal inflation in order to kickstart or continue growth. I think that's kind of the cluster of ideas, but like you say, people say slightly different things about it.


Diane Coyle (51:28): Yeah. Well, I'm not a macro person. I find it a little bit mysterious sometimes, but to know that you're running the economy hot, you would have to know what the speed limit or what its capacity is and I don't think that's known, and I don't think it's a fixed number. It depends on all kinds of things, including what demand is.


Ben Yeoh (51:50): Sure. Okay. Industrial policy or a government actually having an industrial policy might be it, but industrial policy overrated or underrated?


Diane Coyle (52:01): Well, underrated. Since Thatcher and Reagan, we have dismissed the idea of industrial policy. It gets called picking winners and people stop thinking about it but there are all kinds of what we call in a jargon horizontal policies, including competition policy, including skills and apprenticeships, infrastructure, investment that can be industrial policy. The key is you've got a government that thinks strategically about where they want the economy to go, what the economy's strengths are and where those strengths are and we don't have that. We have a [UK] government that thinks about the next tweet, if we're lucky.


Ben Yeoh (52:40): Yes. Arrow's impossibility theorem?


Diane Coyle (52:48): Underrated or overrated, underrated, I think. But I don't think people think about it very clearly. And so, you obviously know that it says you have these few kinds of vanilla assumptions about people's choices, and it turns out that mathematically that says that you can't aggregate for society across all the individual choices. And a lot of economists go, that's really smart and clever, what a fantastic theory. Okay, let's now ignore it and let's decide that we can calculate the improvement in social welfare that will come about for policy A, B and C. And so I think that means that it's underrated because they don't think about the implications which for me are more about what some would call the restricted domain, what's the scope in which you are thinking about whether a policy is an improvement or not, and who is that affecting? And so it goes back to what we were talking about earlier, Ben, about it's so hard to have one number that tells you what the answer is and I think Arrow's impossibility theorem is in effect saying there's not just one number.


Ben Yeoh (54:07): And that would hint to, I guess, some of the themes we talked about thinking about things in a more pluralist way, and also thinking about these interdisciplinary things, because one number, whether that's happiness or GDP is not going to give it to you. And therefore trying to maximize that one number is certainly not going to give it to you. And the last one on this is the New Zealand prime minister Jacinda.


Diane Coyle (54:35): She's probably accurately rated, don't you think?


Ben Yeoh (54:38): Well, I think she might still be underrated. I think she's slightly underrated in her own country and I wonder whether she will be-- So strong female leader with a lot of interesting ideas and why I might think she's still underrated is because she's pushed through this idea of what do they call it, the New Zealand living budget and therefore to me, one of the first sort of substantial-- Okay, it's a smaller economy and it's got its own special quirks, but it's one of the first attempts to put in some of the capitals we talked about, calling them capitals or whatever, natural capital or health, social, and other things in a way of forming policy, but by putting it kind of for treasury to think about, or whoever's in charge of that part because of what we've talked about is I don't know whether treasury has been thinking about this enough because of everything that we said, because of their training and because of where their data comes and therefore if they can, or she can prove that something about that is going to increase the welfare of her people that will end up being a pretty, I think, significant jump in thinking about how governments can think. And therefore I go underrated. I'd be interested in what you think about the New Zealand living budget and that whole area.


Diane Coyle (56:03): I think it's a really analytically rigorous good framework and to be quite interesting to see how it develops over time and also whether, if any, political implications it has. But I was going to ask you, if you think as a small country, a scale thing here in that it's easier to take these approaches in smaller places, like Scotland and Wales or some English local authorities, Iceland? They are all quite small and I just wonder if there's something about the kind of cohesion you can get in a smaller place that makes it more feasible to try these kinds of policies?


Ben Yeoh (56:42): I think so as you could probably even add, [ ] Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore but to me it riffs on something to do with that trust and social contract where if that remains strong, I think you can do it potentially in some larger countries. Obviously Scandinavia is a little bit larger, but I mean, if we think about the UK, I wonder whether if we're prepared to do things by less central planning, so devolve a little bit more localism and that localism-- I mean, they're still quite big areas, big economies, but they might be more New Zealand style and you have that to be able to set that. I kind of think at least in theory that they could therefore work. So I guess that is a little bit more federal now and maybe there's a little bit more like Switzerland. I mean, maybe that's going to be really hard in places like India, Indonesia, China, Russia, US, but I kind of feel like the UK, which sits slightly in between that, has a chance of enacting some of those things. And it still, to me, I know we talk about a more polarized society in all of this, but I still feel I've traveled around the country and even into Wales and Scotland quite a lot over the last 10 or 20 years. There are still things about Britishness that bind us together. Our love of the NHS, the underdog sort of quirkiness, other aspects of British culture, which although were quite hard to sort of define, I think people do put their finger on it. 


So to me that means there's enough social trust and cohesion even whether you want to be multicultural or not, which is foundational to let some of this happen. But perhaps we need to push forward a little bit more in terms of innovation. Well, I guess it's innovation within the government, right? And that's what New Zealand have done and I guess the problem is that some of it won't work out. By its nature some of it will have to fail and if you can fail and then pivot, that will be good. But at the moment, we're stuck in this thing where we dare not try anything new and therefore in this kind of slow and steady-- Well, I guess if you look at it, some of these metrics, GDP or HDI [Human Development Index] , the UK has got this slow and steady decline, although from a very high base. So I kind of would like to remain cautiously optimistic with some of those inklings coming through. So maybe with a final couple of questions. So, maybe because he's on the record on some of this we can say coming back to Jason Furman again, he suggested a few things which he feels can help growth, productivity and inequality. So there's kind of a win-win things. And I was wondering what you would have thought about them. So he names, I think education and investing in children. He would also name enabling work which I think solutions to getting people in the workplace, but particularly females, minorities and that more competition and more fluidity or dynamism. So people moving cities, I guess that's a particular US thing but see there's some in the UK. Would you disagree with any of those points and would you add anything into your own policy recipe?


Diane Coyle (1:00:06): I think I might disagree with getting people to move around more. I think people just quite like to stay where they are and although we've had that sort of pattern of mobility that you leave your small town and you go to university in a city and then you go and work in London, that one kind of mobility. Most people want to stay where they are. So we've got to make things work for where they are and that's why I think geographic policies are really important. So that's the one thing I might disagree with and even the US is not that mobile anymore. Are there other win-wins? I mean, I think there's a lot of investments that would be win-win. So I think that you could call it investing in natural capital, but reducing air pollution and the health benefits of that. So all of that stuff, that's definitely a win-win and particularly the kinds of green technologies where government coordination can de-risk markets and make them grow faster than they otherwise would and therefore that stimulates the private investment and that's all good dynamic win-wins as well. So I think there are plenty of them, they just need doing..


Ben Yeoh (1:01:19): And then, he's got a smaller category of what you call “win neutral” or “win, tiny bit lose” but you're losing so much tiny that the win makes more up for that. And he puts higher taxes and minimum wage in that bucket. Although I guess they have enacted at least one of those. Would you agree with those and would you add anything else in that bucket? I guess this is the kind of fairer society we're looking at, some of the extra capital things more.


Diane Coyle (1:01:53): Minimum wage, I don't think you can say in generic terms it's going to either have positive or negative effects. It depends on the context of the labor market in which it's being applied and there is obviously a level of minimum wage that will reduce employment. But equally there are increases in the minimum wage that will increase demand and through the multiplier effects have positive outcomes. US minimum wage got to be so low that they're in that territory I think, going to $15 minimum wages seems to be wholly beneficial once you abstract from the effects of the pandemic on employment levels. So I don't think I agree with that. I've forgotten the other one already. I'm sorry.


Ben Yeoh (1:02:38): It was higher taxes.


Diane Coyle (1:02:40): Higher taxes, so they're efficiency costs of increasing taxes but that says you design a tax system as well as you can and there are going to be trade offs and you're going to have some inefficiencies and that's just too bad. If you want to have any public goods, you're going to have taxes and given that, I think in general, private and public sector in the UK in particular have under-invested for a long time, then we're going to have to raise taxes


Ben Yeoh (1:03:11): And on the natural capital, whether that's biodiversity or sustainability, what do you think should be highest on the policy agenda?


Diane Coyle (1:03:22): Well, COP26 and some global action finding a way through the politics of that. It's obviously really important and then actually paying more attention to biodiversity questions and that cluster of issues about land use, zoonotic diseases, soil quality, agricultural productivity, all of those but for understandable reasons have been kind of second order to climate change but actually we need to think about those as well.


Ben Yeoh (1:03:52): Sure. A lot of it seems to me that actually economists or economic thinking does have some of the answers, but the sort of what we would call it, the political economy or the political leadership is not really following any of that and therefore there's this growing gap. So it kind of almost seems to me that some of this is now a political economy question, or maybe it always has been obviously that it's intersectional.


Diane Coyle (1:04:16): I think it always has been but the politicians were, I suppose, more like economists previously in that they thought they were right answers to problems. But as an economic analyst you're saying we've got this great policy, if only the politicians would implement it, then your policy is not a great policy. You've got to incorporate that.


Ben Yeoh (1:04:40): Yeah and I think this is the point and we lead it to that. This is why I think I see the climate assembly and that kind of work is very important because you have to bring your people along with you. There's a lot of things which only exist because humans caused them to exist in their mind, call them into subjective thoughts and if you don't put that into your calculus, you don't have a policy because that is only a kind of idea.


Diane Coyle (1:05:06): That's right. And we have a lot of language for it; multiple equilibrium focal points in games, narrative, economics. We've got the tools to think about that but it somehow doesn't get translated into what should this government do in this place at this time.


Ben Yeoh (1:05:22): Right. And so final two questions. One is what does a productive day or week look like for you with the work that you do? And the second question is, do you have any advice for maybe say young people thinking about being an economist or particularly if you're not from a kind of middle-class background who would think of being economist as potentially the job to do, what would might spark in a young people's mind about why this would be a great thing to do, or your observations about the career that you've had?


Diane Coyle (1:06:03): Oh, well, a productive day I try to make them all productive I suppose. It's very busy and I've just in the past, a few months really for the first time in my career, apart from a six month period as acting chair at the BBC trust, have somebody to look after my diary for me and that's made me so much more productive. So that's been fantastic, but it's always a mix and some of the most productive moments are walking to work or walking in the Botanic garden or walking the dog and the thoughts are jostling around in your head and something falls into place. So that's good and every day needs some of that, just not thinking or doing anything in particular, but letting the thoughts run around in your head. That's productive day. Economics is a great subject, it's intellectually powerful, it's interesting. You don't have to be an economist to study economics and enjoy it and get a lot out of it. The downside is that lots of places still teach economics in a mathematical way that's too mathematical. I think the math is important, the empirics is important, but they overdo it and that's the downside. 


But I think my advice would be if you're interested in big challenges, how to make society fairer, how to make sure that there are enough jobs, how to bring about climate sustainability, then it's one of the most powerful disciplines that you can study to think about those kinds of questions. And although economists have a bad reputation for being selfish or all about the money, actually, most economists are really highly motivated by what can we do to make things better and that's the driving force in lots of what we do. I've done pretty much everything you can do as an economist. I've worked in the private sector. I've worked in the treasury. I've been a journalist. I've been a consultant. I've done public service roles and I've done academic stuff. And so that's the other benefit that you can do all kinds of other things, all kinds of variety of things with this pulpit that you get from studying economics.


Ben Yeoh (1:08:16): Great. So with that final question I'll say thank you very much.


Diane Coyle (1:08:22): It's been really interesting chatting to you. Thank you so much for inviting me on.


Ben Yeoh (1:08:27): Great.

In Economics, Investing, ESG, Podcast Tags Diane Coyle, Economics, ESG

Catherine Howarth on shareholder activism, growing back better and change makers | Podcast

July 25, 2021 Ben Yeoh

How does individual shareholder activism work? How does personal agency and systems change work together in a theory of change? How do we become change makers? What did Catherine's mother teach me?

Catherine is  Chief Executive of  ShareAction. She coordinates civil society activism to promote responsible investment Catherine was recognised by the World Economic Forum as a Young Global Leader in 2014. ShareAction campaigns have significantly altered corporate strategy and government policy. For instance, on HSBC making environmental commitments and Tesco making healthy food commitments.

  • We chat about Catherine’s journey into activism and the theories of change that have influenced her.

  • We discuss how poetry, Ursula Le Guin and feminism have impacted us.

  • How to convince open minded skeptics to your cause. 

Listen below, transcript and podcast links below. Video above and here.

Podcast links:

  • Apple Podcasts: https://apple.co/3gJTSuo

  • Spotify: https://sptfy.com/benyeoh

  • Anchor: https://anchor.fm/benjamin-yeoh

Contents (Youtube links)

  • 01:08 Catherine’s activism journey

  • 06:48 Catherine on community and theory of change

  • 10:06 ShareAction theory of change

  • 16:49 Healthy eating campaign, ideas on fiduciary duty

  • 23:18 How to decide on campaign topics 26:32 Converting skeptics

  • 28:54 Storying telling, individual agency at National Express

  • 33:13 What poetry taught me

  • 39:49 Questions on individual pension investors vote

  • 50:30 Maximising the well being of people

  • 54:11 Responsible Investment Bill idea, maximising welfare

  • 58:10 Better growth not degrowth

  • 1:01:11 Problems of vaccine nationalism

  • 1:03:45 Underrated/overrated: art, cycling, carbon tax, voting, remote work, having children

  • 1:15:41 Catherines advice to young people

Transcript (mostly unedited)

Catherine Howarth on Shareholder Activism, Better Growth and Being a Change Maker


Ben Yeoh: (00:01) Hello, and welcome to Ben Yeoh Chats, my podcast. If you're curious about wealth, this show is for you. How does shareholder activism work? In this episode, I speak to Catherine Howarth. We discussed how Catherine is thinking about her journey into activism and systems theory of change, how to grow back better and be a change maker. If you enjoy the show, please like and subscribe as it helps others find the podcast. Thank you, enjoy.


Hey everyone, I'm super excited to have Catherine Howarth with me today. Catherine is the Chief Executive of ShareAction. She coordinates civil society activism to promote responsible investment, and she was recognized as the World Economic Forum Young Global Leader in 2014. So, Catherine, welcome. Thank you. 


Catherine Howarth: (00:54) Thanks Ben 


Ben Yeoh: (00:55) So maybe we could start with just telling us a little bit about your journey into activism, how you kind of ended up in civil society, and your route into that.

Catherine Howarth: (01:08) Absolutely. Well, I, I feel like the roots of it go quite far back into my childhood and I have very vivid memories of reading about the suffragettes at school and being very interested and impressed by that. But after university, I wasn't sure you know, what I was going to do at all. I had a mini-crisis, but you know, you go through school, you get to university all hell's like, it's all plotted out. And then you come out into the blinking out, into the big wide world and you've got to make a choice out of a kazillion things you could do with your life, and I found that brief, beautifully whelming.

But anyway, I went to live in the East end of London; I grew up in West London and I went to live in east London. I have never been to East London, there's no reason as a young person growing up in West London, you would ever go to the East end of London, which I never had despite being a Londoner. Anyway, I went to live there and then I became involved in a… I'm a Roman Catholic, my mom's Irish, and I grew up Catholic and I turned it around for a church and I found this parish church an incredibly multicultural, amazing place full of people from all over the world. I mean that Catholic parish for a Londoner is one of the most multicultural institutions on the planet I would think, and it was an interesting experience. And I became involved in an amazing organization just as a volunteer called TELCO, The East London Community Organization. And it was just an amazing bit of luck really because TELCO would tap into a set of community organizers in the United States which had been kind of founded by an interesting activist and thinker called Saul Alinsky, who wrote an amazing book called Rules for Radicals which I would recommend. 

And so, I kind of bumped into this very disciplined form, a very structured and very thoughtful form of activism, which thinks about how do you build power? How do you… for low-income communities for disadvantaged people. And how do you start to bear in mind that people in those kinds of communities operate inside their little community groupings? And in fact, they need to cross outside of those peoples and connect and figure out what their common self-interests are and then get organized, and they had a brilliant method of doing that. And so, yes, I just kind of came across this wonderful method of community organizing, and I got involved in activism, and then I got the opportunity to start the Living Wage Campaign in the UK.


And so, I left my job working for Think Tank whilst it was voluntary work, which was really what was inspiring and interesting, and so I became an organizer, community organizer. And I remember quite clearly my father thinking, “what is she doing with her career and her life” and express some concern. And the work indeed involved going to Canary Wharf night after night at about 9:00 PM when the cleaners would arrive and all the bankers went home and talking to cleaners about their lives and beginning to get organized, and then figuring out how we talked to banks about the coming to the UK first living wage employers. But equally working in hospitals in the east end, talking to cleaners who were on contracts that have been awarded by the National Health Service and where it was kind of outsourcing contracted labor just resulted in people in the hospital sector having absolutely rock bottom wages and no sick pay.


So as a result, they would come into work sick and unwell into the hospital, totally called public health hazard, just as a result of this kind of logical contracting and outsourcing. And it was very politicizing for me, all of that. And by the way, it's where I put my first flavor of ShareAction shareholder activism, which is what I've done for the last 13 years. Because we bought some shares in HSBC and Barclays, and I attended my first AGM and asked some questions and just kind of like almost by accident fed into all of that. But anyway, that's how I sort of posed the roots of it for me.


Ben Yeoh: (05:49) That's amazing. And I find this interesting that there was kind of seeds of your activist thinking from, I guess, quite young, partly you're saying, you know, never being the East-West London, seeing that mixed community, and partly from reading about the suffragettes and I guess coming quite early to an idea or theory of change or how political power can happen or how can you affect change. And do you think has been quite formative having a robust model of the theory of change about how political power might happen or not? Because I guess you think about, you know, old power structures or incumbent power structures and they often tell insurgent ideas of, you know, not going to work, what are you doing? isn't this crazy to feel, you know, you have a purpose, but you have, oh, this is a mechanism which might cause change. Is that being quite powerful for you?

Catherine Howarth :(06:48) That was essential for me. And I think any kind of social activism needs the discipline of a kind of a method or an explanatory framework. The world is big and overwhelming and it's so complex, and you know, each of us is so tiny. And so, you need to think in quite a structured way about how do you have an impact beyond just this unit of one person that… and that's about operating collectively. And that's about tapping into people's imagination, tapping into people's self-interest, and beginning to make people move together. It's like the power of the shell of fish know tiny but collectively quiet, you know, powerful and to defend itself. So yes, for me, it was transformational to come across this brilliantly thought three methodologically sound forms of community activism, which placed people in relationships between people absolutely at the heart of it was very sort of you-named theory, but effective.

And also, some such inspiration of very seasoned people experienced community organizers, who used to come and visit from the US where they were running amazing campaigns. And you know, for example, in the Southern Western State of the US where Mexican immigrants were so powerless, but through this approach had organized to get, you know, really basic facilities like you know, sanitation and waterworks and street lighting and basic things, which in these communities and, you know, the world richest country, The United States were not given at all in immigrant communities and some western states, but also in Chicago and other places. So, yes, it was a bit of a turning point I suppose, in my life. Well, I think you're right, that there were things in my upbringing and my education, which laid the foundation and made me at least spot the opportunity and grasp it when I came across that work.


Ben Yeoh: (09:11) And now at ShareAction, you've got a pretty robust theory of change as well. And part of what appeals to me about it is that there's a sort of element of ownership and direct democracy through it, which is an idea that goes across a lot of different sort of systems or power systems. Would you maybe articulate how you're thinking about ShareAction theory of change today, whether it's actually, maybe has it been this kind of the same routes over the last 10, 13 years, or has it kind of evolved a little bit in terms of thinking about using all of shareholder activism, the vote and influencing this kind of systemic change, but through a kind of personal change in the agency, although, you know, you guys do group up as a kind of Shoal of fish to influence companies?


Catherine Howarth: (10:06) Yes. So, I mean, well, the thing that attracted me to the work even around the finance industry and the corporate sector is that without doubt, you know, companies shape our world, day in day out and the allocation of capital into companies, therefore, shapes our world. But what's interesting about the corporate form is that it is backed by origins, quite democratically organized, so one shares one vote. And that goes back to the fact that people who originally put capital to work in companies wanted their interests represented, wanted to be able to hold directors accountable, but good stewardship of that capital and for the protection of their capital. So those were very kind of rational reasons to sort of establishing the foundations of corporate governance, and to ensure that if you put money to work in a company, you had the right to ask some questions about the directors in turn up at an annual general meeting.


But of course, a lot of those rights sort of almost with the dominant defined, and particularly in an era of institutional investment becoming so dominant where, you know, big pension funds, whole blocks of shares, and have a very un-relational approach with companies oftentimes very unusual for the trustees of the pension scheme to have any interaction at all with the corporate boards or anyone involved in the companies. This all leads to lots of chains into mediation, and lots of institutional structures that have got in the way of the kind of more democratic and relational culture, which I think business began with certain aspects of business balance. So, what we've done at ShareAction is just kind of make use of the rights that exist for shareholders to go and ask questions.


And also, what we've done is quite systematically think about who wields power in capital markets, which are fast institutional investment organizations, big fund managers, and so on. And then try to do it quite simply, but very useful tricks like ranking them against each other in terms of how responsible they are as stewards of capital and how much interest they take in the social-environmental performance you know, hundreds of companies that sit in their portfolios. And until fairly recently the investment world turned a pretty blind eye to corporate social environment performance, but that's changed very dramatically quite fast. Now I don't want to be too positive, I think it's a work in progress, but I think that partly because we face such terrifying risks, like runaway climate change and you know, chronic loss of species and, other challenges that are beginning to kind of driven a lot by business behaviors, but they're also beginning to bite business on the bum in terms of the potential financial impact of those things.


And so, for several reasons, the investment world is waking up; but one of them, I think, is that organizations like ours are doing a better job than needs to be done of holding accountable financial sector power for the influencing wheels on our world. And yes, so, I mean, those are some of the things that we get up to, and what's fun, I think is kind of combining, which is something we do, for example, through shareholder resolutions, providing the power of huge institutional asset managers and pension funds and so on, together with people that, you know, basically go out and buy a single share in a company, and then bring them together in these kinds of lovely, rule-based quite diverse coalitions to take actions; like filing shadow integration, which is an amazing right, that was again, really underused by starting to come back into its own where the shower wasn't company had the opportunity to take the initiative and put a proposition to management, and what we've been learning.


And by the way, this is all constant experimentation, and that's why I love the job, to be honest, is that it's like, you know, wildly free and we have a beer, oftentimes we surprise ourselves that it works by well. But, you know, just taking the initiative, putting these propositions forward, combining big investors with little, we live with people, and seeing what can be done to channel the power of business in a positive direction, because business shapes our world and it also shapes our world in ways that serve the public interest.


Ben Yeoh: (15:02) Yes. And I think that innovation on how to use the vote is amazing because in some ways it's almost like a direct democracy form. Imagine if you had it in a country, you know, you're putting forward your bill, and because you have a stake in say the country or the company you are being able to convince others or not to join you and then vote on it. And I think one of the great things about it is that the rights enshrined are generally also accepted by people who might on the one hand gone from a very safe, free-market point of view, because they've always said, yes, if you own a hundred percent of a company, you can do what you wish with that company, and then obviously in proportion. So actually, even someone not necessarily associated with this, like Milton Friedman was all about shareholder rights.


If you own it, then you can do what you wish for it. And the way of resolving what owners, when you have lots of different small owners of doing it is via this voting process, which is typically an annual process. I was intrigued by the work you've done on healthy eating and with supermarkets as an example of something, which seems to show a lot of innovation about how you can think about that. Would you like to maybe think… did that come about, because someone just had this idea, it's like, oh, how can we do systematic change on healthy eating? Well, you know, there are only a few supermarkets here in the UK. Maybe if we could influence them, we might make a lot of systemic change so that it comes across that. Or is it like a coffee conversation or sort of slowly dawned on people that there's this window or this door is opening up amongst corporates to listen to certain other ideas and let's push on that door?


Catherine Howarth: (16:49) It is a mixture of influences. So, I guess I've always been very interested in public health. And then I think this, like the reality, is that after years, or, you know, hundreds of years, or certainly in the last hundred and 50 human longevity has increased and life expectancy has grown a lot. But we are peeking out actually on life expectancy, and in fact, in UK women's life expectancy is beginning to turn down. And the reason for that is that we're eating unhealthy diets.; and the reason for that is that it is sort of cheap and easy to make profits in the food sector by selling foods that have high in sugar, fat, and salt. And, you know, collectively, even though we are so, you know, advanced supposedly, and our economy keeps growing, we are on a bit of a sort of self-destructing as far as human health is concerned.


And then, by the way, you know, when the long-pending pandemic is kind of all that is a fact that people that were, you know, obese and overweight and, or had other underlying health conditions, all of which are highly correlated with socioeconomic status were hugely more at risk of death and serious morbidity from COVID. So, we just felt like the moment was right to challenge the UK supermarket sector, which is a highly concentrated corporate kind of landscape with some very dominant players and, and Tesco is the largest of the lot and has 27% market share of grocery in the UK. And by the way, during the pandemic, all the supermarkets had been trading because they were allowed, you know, they were given special status because every other business had to look down because we do depend upon the supermarkets and supermarket workers were defined as key workers, essential to the collective wellbeing of the country, through the pandemic.


We just felt it was the right moment to say to Tesco, could you set some serious targets for shifting the health profile of people so they can get over the next decade. And bearing in mind that, you know, the minute you walked through the doors of a supermarket and your choices are being shaped and quite sophisticated ways by pricing, by the journey that you traveled through literally through the physical architecture of the shop by the placing of goods physically high to low, like, it is not like that. You just go in and you decide what you want, your choices are being shaped. So, there's no doubt that the supermarket sector can shape positively, our diets. And so that's what we asked them to do, and I thought that was brilliant was bringing investors together to do that.


Why? Because you have to think about the fiduciary duty of a large institutional investor, like a pension fund. Their duty is to invest in a way that delivers the best interest of the people on whose behalf they invest. So that's millions of working people who have retirement savings in these pension funds, and that obligation to invest in their best interest has been continuing to be defined quite narrowly as maximize the financial returns of the portfolio. But if the companies in the portfolio are operating in a way that undermines the best interests, the long-term security, the health and wellbeing, and the life expectancy of those people, then that's kind of a weird conundrum. And we thought that it starts, if this work on public health, it is a really interesting way of raising to debate about how did these big institutional investors define their core obligation to look after your interests?


Is it just maximizing returns in which case you want to invest in supermarkets that sell the maximum amount of profitable high in fat sugar and salt products; or is it more in the best interest of those millions of pension savers that you invest in supermarkets to make, you know, great profits? But don't do it at the expense of the health of the very people that those pension funds exist to the catheter. So, I just think it, it was a great campaign because it was successful and Tesco agreed to what we wanted. So yay not be like a successful campaign, but also illustrates and, and begins to honor us and much more interesting and deep debate about the purpose of big, powerful investment organizations and have this job in our society of investing money on our behalf and for our best interests; and where I think there's much scope to challenge the underlying premise and basis of a lot of that decision-making, and open it up in a way that does serve our collective self in our collective interests.


Ben Yeoh: (22:07) And how do you decide what sort of topics or areas to tackle? Because there is kind of so many. I mean, my reflection is the climate is very much in the news at the moment, and it's very good that a lot of people are working on it. But in some ways that leave the question of something like health, which has now also risen, it's something I've worked on for quite a long time. But arguably, for instance, this Tesco and health win, which has been a great win, has made a lot of short and long-term impact, which I think is kind of quite interesting; whereas arguably a lot of dimensions of climate, how should we put it? We're lagging, you know, as a collective, right? No one individual or fault on that. It'd be interesting to see how you'll think about some of these big topics. There are some frameworks like sustainable development goals, and there's a lot of things we can think about what's important to us, education, health environment, and things like that. I have no answer, I've just really intrigued as to how a great thinker like you might think about it.


Catherine Howarth: (23:18) Well, when we pick topics there are some key criteria, there are some pragmatic ones like ShareAction is a registered charity, so we have to find the money for everything we do. So, someone needs to be willing to fund it. That's why I'm pragmatic about the criteria there, but other things are really at work for us, we think about what to work on. First of all, will this build the movement for responsible investment? So, we know that to create systemic and positive transformational change in capital markets and capitalism and in the business community, lots of people need to be on board with that and need to own it, be excited about it. 


So, it's one thing to work on climate change, but it's great to also work on health because there are different people who've not liked them up when it comes to thinking about these things. And it's been amazing actually to see how on the climate agenda, climate activists have become so interested in what's going on in financial markets and how is climate finance being handled by big financial institutions and companies. But equally, I think there's great potential for the whole galaxy of people, but think about health, including everyone in working professionally in the health field, doctors, nurses, and community health practitioners, but also people who you know, patients and their families and so on. But for a whole additional constituency people who maybe aren't really like all turned on about climate change, but thinking about health to also start thinking quest and questioning the role of finance and capital markets and companies in shaping our health outcomes.


So, building the movement and growing always a bigger, more inclusive, and more diverse movement, people that find these things interesting and relevant to them is part of the criteria. And then the other one is where are the issues which start kind of, as I was talking about earlier, like nudged you into to a slightly deeper set of questions about the internal logic in capital markets and the purpose of large institutional investors and how they find their purpose, how accountable they are to their stakeholders, who they can see as their stakeholders. So that's another thing I think when our campaign is going well, there's a sort of like, you know, there's the drama of the campaign, a shareholder resolution it's quite immediate friendly. It's a bit of a fight between shareholders and management and it's fun and it's got drama. But there's something else going on at a deeper level, which it's raising some deeper questions and those are good campaigns that sort of deal with those have all those ingredients woven in.


Ben Yeoh: (26:15) How would you convince someone who's sort of open-minded, but say a little bit skeptical of either your theory of change or even some of the topics you're doing. So, someone, you'd meet, but be open-minded to try and convince them to your course.


Catherine Howarth: (26:32) So there are people that are complete enough to be skeptics and I think we can just not worry about those people. The people I'm interested in are the ones who are kind of nascent, but apathetic supporters. And because to create change, you do need a base of support, you need any deep support. And what you want to do all the time is switching on people who are kind of potentially engaged and supportive, but just a bit busy with something else, other causes other issues. And the art of this is partly due to switching people on intellectually, but much more experientially building a bigger, deeper, and more powerful base of support. And I think that you cannot worry about that, the real skeptics, because, you know, there are people that will always be just antagonistic. I'm not worried about them. What I am concerned about is building all support rounds, work, and tapping into the latent apathetic, silent majority.


Ben Yeoh: (27:46) I was reflecting just on that. I think at least that's where for me storytelling or narrative, I think you've touched on this is extremely powerful for people. Maybe it's a part of being humans. Maybe this is more sort of personal for me, but for instance, I've read quite a lot of Ursula K Le Guin, and I think from that my understanding of feminism, particularly when I was younger was probably most enriched by deep thinking about her work than maybe reading other articles in the newspaper; or, you know, or like sort of social critical theory of which it wasn't my thing, and wouldn't understand. So, I was interesting, what do you think that maybe narrative or story has a place for things within activism, or has it informed any of your work?

Catherine Howarth: (28:47) Well, that's a big leap away. Ben, you’ve got me into Ursula, K Guin. I never read any of her work.

Ben Yeoh: (28:52) Oh really! You are a latecomer.

Catherine Howarth: (28:54) And I know several all of her wonderful books, so, and I that's all about you. So, thank you. But how could we discover the right Ursula K Le Guin, and also some of her videos? She did some great videos, not totally unlike the format we're talking about today. A bit less of a conversation, a bit more just her, but like what an amazing woman, by the way, I'd love to have further conversation. Maybe we'll have this sign another day about the deep thinking you've done about her work because I just really gobbled up her books and thoroughly enjoyed the model. What should I put into deep thinking in any case? Absolutely storytelling is so important and it's partly the stories we tell collectively about the endeavors we undertake together, but it's also the stories that people start to tell about themselves when they are involved in the action.


I believe in the power of activism to start to kickstart a process whereby people tell a different story about themselves. And they tell a story about themselves as a protagonist that took on corporate power or took on, you know, political power. And it's really through action that we become who we are. And that kind of conscious action for the greater good is a particular type of action that's very profound for people. So, I think it's really important that community organizing was particularly good at this. And so, my kind of apprenticeship, which was 10 years long in community organizing before I came to this work; was a kind of foundation block of everything I try and do in some ways in ShareAction. It was particularly good at having people articulate, you know, how they feel about the action they've been involved in what it means to them, how it changes who they are.


And also cause them to reflect on stories about, we won this battle, you know, we run this campaign. That's exciting that forms part of the collective narrative, but that personal narrative piece is great too. And it's not just a story to tell about yourself, but it's also a story to tell about other individuals. So, one of my favorite stories is of a young woman who was a wheelchair user who came on some of ShareAction, kind of training in you know, the art of the good question that a company's annual general meeting. And she was a poet actually, and also a really good athlete and a wheelchair athlete, and just a generally kick-ass young woman, phenomenal. 

And she went to the annual general meeting of National Express; there was a bit of a moment, a bit of a hassle. There wasn't a disabled access venue by the way, so she had to kind of come in humiliating innocuous or service entrance. But she made it onto the floor there in general meetings. And she told her story about you know, standing at bus stops, this was the National Express and in a general meeting which is a big bus company in the UK, and about how you know, they wouldn't give her access onto the bus. And there would be, you know, we pushchairs and so on, which could be folded and they would give a priority over people, wheelchair users. And she told her story and she challenged the board and they changed the company's policy there and then because she was so compelling and it was her story. And then she got to tell the story of her AGM success. So those are the best, I think when people bring their own story to bear, and then it becomes a new part of their story that they got something changed, and then everyone could absorb that story, and off you go,


Ben Yeoh: (33:13) Yes, it becomes part of the… I always like to say, it's kind of the myths that we like to tell ourselves, you know, money is a human myth into subjective myths that we use for all of these things. And we have to tell ourselves the kind of new stories, the new myths in a good way for what we want to do. This might be a little bit micro, but it's just to occur to me in terms of what poetry has taught me, or at least when I was very young, I was taught by a certain brilliant Mrs. Howarth some poetry. And one of the things that she taught me was never to overuse adjectives and the power of the verb, particularly in poetry. I don't know. Do you have any micro thing or even micro thing about what humanities or poetry has taught you?


Catherine Howarth: (34:04) Gosh my mom, I’m so glad that my mom was your teacher, and I love the fact that you're so generous about the influence she had on you. And it's funny because she's 76 now, and she's still volunteering in primary schools, helping children learn to love poetry, which is lovely. And I felt very humbled by my mom's kind of grasp of poetry cause my own are quiet people. So, yes, I mean, I do draw on poetry here and there and I'm trying to get my children to engage in it. And the strange thing, they love poetry. They find it standardize the meter or something about it, taking my second son who's not amaze, you know, he's not such a keen reader, but he tunes into poetry.


I think we need more poetry in the world, that's all I can say. And I love that it's so informative to you, like a hugely successful fund manager and a figure in the finance sector and, you know, poetry is there in the background, staring it up and helping you so we should have more poetry and in all of activism. And it's, you know, some organizations draw on it more when we're not [inaudible 35:34]. And I'd say maybe one resolution out of today's conversation will be more poems.


Ben Yeoh: (35:40) Well, maybe [we need more poets] I already have a good friend who his other job, he always says, poets have two jobs. My poet friend Rishi Dastidar, I had a chat with him a few weeks ago, he always says poet slash something else, poet slash pension fund manager, poet slash copywriter, which has been there for a couple of thousand years. And he points out that poetry is still one of the oldest arts and it seeps into everywhere because of the power of the word or language things, which you might not call poetry. Now, if you think about it probably is poetry, but it's in disguise. We don't want to tell anyone that it is necessarily poetry. And I partly refer to it because like you were hinting to some of these seeds or sparks that we get when we're very young, somehow really grow with us.


And I've always said there have been quite a few handfuls of my teachers to be able to be grateful to them because they often really don't know the influence they have, you know. You're casting pebbles in the pond and they ripple or seeds through the garden and you don't know what, you don't know what takes root. And probably the vast majority of the time, you will never know that, you know, that's the nature of that. Yes, I think they are you know, very transformational; and I think it's the same with some of your work. You will you are planting a lot of seeds and ideas, and sometimes you have these big win-wins, but even when you don't have those successful campaigns, you are making well in the truth to power aspect, you're making powerful people think might not be able to convince them of that.

But then that next layer down in the ecosystem, you're making a lot of other people think whether they're engaged general public or other people within policymakers and things. And I think that's an area of influence, which is essentially impossible to measure. You'll never really be able to measure it, but I think it's increasingly, well, it's always been really important and I can see it and I can kind of see it in your work. And I see it broadly also in the work of teachers on this individual personal agency, but where there are systemic changes and, you know, translate it into policy speech. They've got this idea of this so-called Overton window, that this is a window where policy action can happen because it's acceptable to enough people. And a lot of this engaged activism or just talking about the challenges you know, we face without having to put you know, labels on it, moves where this policy or where the system can be. And I think we've seen this in social change movements throughout time, whether that's minority rights, disabled rights, women's rights, the ending of slavery, or all sorts of manners of things like that. And it's this, I don't know, intersectional between this.


Catherine Howarth: (38:32) Before we move on from teachers, I just want to ask if you've read the book Some Kids, I Taught and The Things They Taught Me. 


Ben Yeoh: (38:42) Yes. I have.


Catherine Howarth: (38:44) Such a good book isn't it?


Ben Yeoh: (38:45) It is brilliant. 


Catherine Howarth: (38:46) I loved it… that was a reading highlight for me of last year. And yes, it's about a poetry teacher and her reflections on…. as the title says, kids, she taught and the things they taught her and is just so wise and so funny and touching about children in different parts of the country, in different communities, and the cultures they came from. And that's just an absolutely beautiful book.


Ben Yeoh: (39:19) She had also very amazing parents did, I don't know if you read her essay, but they had traumas over the pandemic, both her parents passed. But if I recall correctly, her father on that certificate was what of died from a broken heart. There's an actual medical term for it, which is part of this essay she's written. So, if you haven't read the essay, it's incredibly moving.


Catherine Howarth: (39:49) I'll make sure to read that. That's a great recommendation. I was just going to tap into… you’ve mentioned about kind of the cycle of social change and movements for social change. And I talked about suffragettes at the very beginning of our interview. And one thing that was a real kind of an interesting eye-opener for me was one of the things that ShareAction tried to do is make a case that pension savers, a few, you know every working person is wanting the UK banks to pensions automatically roll in, which came in about 12 years ago or so. So, before that pensions were kind of a bit of a kind of slightly privileged workforce benefits for the more kind of mid-ranking employees, and middle managers and upwards. And then the government decided, gosh, everyone better be a pension say because we've kind of worried about the fact that the nation doesn't save enough and what would be the implications public finances.


So, everyone working in McDonald's, working cleaning jobs is now a pension saver; which means they have a stake in capital markets, they’re shareholders. One thing that ShareAction has been campaigning for fairly unsuccessfully, I would say. And we've had some… I mean, you've talked very kindly about our wins, but an area where I think we got a long way to go is in the kind of democratization of the system. And what we've been arguing for is that pension savers should have more rights to have a say about the policies that govern the investments. They should have access to information about what holdings the money is put into, and how votes were cast at company annual general meetings by the fund managers that invest on their behalf. Just to open up space a bit so that the actual real people whose money is having a little bit more agency and opportunity to question and so on.


And so, we've been making that case for a long time, and I've been kind of keeping a little track of the arguments that have put up why that's not a good idea. I need it to perfectly mirror the arguments that were way by why women should not have the vote over a hundred years ago. It's like, well, you know, they wouldn't know what to do with that information. They wouldn't know. They're not interested in, you know, all these arguments, which exactly give me some why your women shouldn't have a vote because they wouldn't know how to vote sensibly. After all, there are only women and they're not educated, which is basically about ordinary working people and why they're there. They couldn't be let into the mysteries of investment management and capital markets, and they're not interested again. And so, it's just been so interesting that I think these movements to democratize and open up spaces of power, whether it's capital markets today, which let's face, it is an incredible nexus of power in the 21st-century world, or a hundred years ago, parliament and women having the opportunity to elect people to represent in parliament.


It's just the same set of arguments. Why not? And I find that interesting as to why we shouldn't give up and why probably people look back and say, of course, people should have had more opportunity to have a say and be part of the story. But that's not the way the world looks at it right now, and particularly the professionals that are in charge of our money.


Ben Yeoh: (43:36) So I think a lot of the philosophical challenges are essentially smokescreens. I don't think they hold up if you poke them not even very hard at all; like we're saying your analogies to the women's vote. But I do think there is an issue of who would pay for a lot of this and some of the infrastructure issues. But I think that hopefully, it should be a diminishing problem because of where technology can come in. So arguably 20 years ago, if you had to do this by paper and post, you would probably quite have strong, bureaucratic, sludge money arguments on the other side. But I think there are an apple two or things coming through that, and actually, there's quite a powerful, other theory of change about how transparency can breed positive things for the system. Partly whether you view that through a check and balance, you know if you look back at the pandemic if we'd had more transparency on government decision-making and policy because you had outside experts look at it, our decision-making arguably could have been better. And then there are these other arguments like you say, about the rights of what people could do with that information. And that's the kind of wisdom of the crowd idea when they have that information out in the domain is usually pretty powerful.


So, I would be hopeful, but I do think there is an issue around you know, none of the incumbents particularly want to stump up any money for it. So, unless government either does or forces that it's less likely to be able to happen because there is a reasonable amount of money issue, but there are a lot of other second-order benefits for building up. Some of that infrastructure of saying who's got votes and rights and things, and particularly if part of the theory of the world is that the corporate form or the ownership of the corporate form is becoming a more powerful stakeholder in the world, or is recognition of the power that it wields, then having transparency into who ultimately owns or is voting or saying on that power, then becomes more important. 


And then that will allow at the moment that I think there is a clause in the system as to, you know, if you own a tiny piece via an intermediary and another intermediate and another intermediary being able to get your vote, which ultimately you do own, although you might've delegated it to somebody else to get that back you know. There's a plumbing kink to do that. And that would take this infrastructure charge, but I do think there was a case that you could make to government and the powers that be to do that, to get that through,


Catherine Howarth: (46:33) They will, as I said, at the very beginning, you know, companies were designed democratically to start with. But then we didn't have intermediaries, people put money in, and they were rich people. And they insisted on having rights to hold accountable directors. And now we have poor people who own shares, with no right to hold anyone but themselves to be accountable. So, there's a way to go, I think technology is a friend here, but I mean, that's a bigger, deeper conversation about, is technology a force for good or, you know, inherently progressive. I think it all depends on the ethical and human and power-related structures we put around them and, and the governance. And so, the technology is certainly there to do this. But you're right, that I think large pension funds were like to volunteer, the argument will have to be made in parliament; and in policy circles that almost, you know, having put in place automatic enrollment and enable millions of people to have a stake in the system, which, you know, is in a way a kind of right-wing politician dream.


I don’t think, you know, Mrs. Thatcher was always very keen on this idea of shareholder democracy and that's right because it should be. Capitalism should be opened up for everybody and should operate in everyone's interest, but it won't operate in everyone's interest until we have more accountability in democratic structures properly and all that. And we don't have those yet.


Ben Yeoh: (48:15) So I think there's a really good analogy on that for making the case, but he kind of housing and this, you know, rightly or wrongly, you can have this notion of like right to own your house. I don't know whether that's true, but obviously in England, in the UK, there was a definite philosophical movement on that. You could say whether it started with that or not. Well, let's see, that's the kind of piece of capital asset idea which readily translates to this cousin idea of owning a piece of a company with where you are. And particularly now with automatic enrollment. I think this technology piece is really interesting as well, because for instance, the information that we give to the live technology players, it's kind of amazing. And we sort of semi willingly goes into that. But the transparency or the data that we're prepared to give to the government, the narrative around that seems to be much more worried.


So, we're much more worried for instance, about giving up some NHS data, which is meant to be used for our good. Then we are giving quite frankly, you know, the technology companies know vastly more about us than the NHS ever would. And then the NHS my belief would govern much better as you can argue about that, but you would put these things in place and be much more accountable. And it seems to me that the system, whether that's government or civil society or whoever hasn't made the case of the people saying, we will use your technological health data for good; we will be able to save costs and make you healthier. And which case data transparency in the technology is going to be a force for good, rather than just sending you angry memes on social media, which is not doing you any good, but somehow you think you're going to give away that data for free. And I think there is this similar thing if you get people to say, look, you own a piece of the supermarkets and these companies and things, and you can use your voice for an act of good in that sort of same way, but there's a kind of more foundational… I wouldn't necessarily say educational message, but a new story and narrative around how technology is enabling you to deck that. And I think maybe the stores in… go on,


Catherine Howarth: (50:30) Well, I was going to say it's very much the same corollary is what I was saying about helping supermarkets. So, the role of large institutional investors that hold supermarket and technology stocks on your behalf, if their only obligation and their purpose are that absolute, just simply maximize the returns from those stocks. Then in the case of the technology companies or the supermarket companies, who’s behaviors, having quietly significant impacts on all of our lives. You just haven't got those questions being asked by the shareholders who act on our behalf. And this is why I think we do need to open up this debate about the legal obligations of institutional investors and the purpose of their work in relation to the well-being and benefit of the people on whose behalf they act, And enable, legitimize that institutional investors can ask questions of technology companies about whether their policies and practices are beneficial to the people who own the stocks. So, it’s just an interesting space.


Ben Yeoh: (51:49) As you talk that maybe this is a line of work or maybe it goes more into sort of client earth and things, that there isn't being a really good test case for a very long time to redefine fiduciary duty for today. And I think there would be… I can't think of it, but I think there would be a very strong case if we came up with saying that it's shifted from this narrow idea of money to what it might be for broad stakeholders; because we're relying on essentially case law. And in fact, the original case law for prudent man goes back to I think something I'm slightly miss-telling it, but something like a horse and cart incident in the sixteen hundred you know, where this was based that there hasn’t been any clarification.

And now for those listening in, there is quite a lot of work being done with this. The lawyers Freshfields have put out a new report in association with the UN PRI, but that's based on a kind of legal understanding where of this. It hasn't been ratified by any case law or any actual judge precedence, even though there's QC and council. So, people are always a little bit wary because it hasn't been tested by the system. And unfortunately, you can't just ask the system, what do you think? But I think there would be some interesting, I mean that extends to some of the climate mitigation, you see worldwide using some of these principles, and I think there is that. And there was in the UK basis, a little bit of case law to do with what the law society has said about how we can choose investments or not, but it hasn't gone to the kind of what I call the steel man argument of sort of saying like, well, if you do something which you can definitively show is bad for a majority of people. I can't necessarily think of what it is, maybe a climate-related or something then actually does your fiduciary duty extend when you can see that those same people are the stakeholders that you're representing should that somehow take precedence, but it would in my view, and you can see how you can make the legal arguments around that. It would have to be retested today with how we can view the world today, as opposed to where the case law is, which has hundreds of years old.


Catherine Howarth: (54:04) Well, you could do it through case law or you could do it through legislation. I mean…


Ben Yeoh: (54:10) You could do it through legislation.


Catherine Howarth: (54:11) Even if we have legislators that we elect is that they write laws that are for the common good, and we need to re-write laws. ShareAction has published a model for the parliament which we call the Responsible Investment Bill, which sets out a new definition of investors' legal that encompasses this concept of… there's not a phrase we use in it, but kind of maximizing shareholder welfare instead of just maximizing shareholder wealth. When you go back to Milton Friedman and his arguments, which you cited the very beginning about, you know, the purpose of the company is to maximize. Well, if you just substitute that for maximizing welfare, then you immediately get into a world where companies have to think about whether their own and in a world of mass participation in pension funds, the public good is almost the same as the welfare of the millions of people who have slithered a little stake in, you know, hundreds of the world's biggest companies whose actions do need to serve the public interest more than they perhaps do at present, certainly when it comes to the climate crisis. But, certainly, I think also when it comes to the public health challenges we face today. 


Ben Yeoh: (55:28) And that is not too far in extension for what some of in Milton Friedman’s actual papers, where he would argue if you look off to your stakeholders and its wealth-generating, he has no issues with those externalities for that. So obviously this is a slight step further, but it's not too far away from some of his original assertions, particularly if you put it in his place and time for what they were debating.


Catherine Howarth: (55:55) Indeed and a lot of what he was interested in was some disciplinary management. They shouldn't be bettering their interest, and I'm all in favor of that. So, you know, I don't think I'm very far from Milton Friedman. 

Ben Yeoh: (56:10) No, and it's kind of surprising when you get back to some of what he was dealing with business [ ]. Also, at the time, there was a lot of how would we put it, cronyism, which was what he was kind of more worried about than some of these other aspects. 


So, one of these things so finally on the big picture before may be dwelling on a couple more kind of quicker things is it touches on this, and I'm interested in what you think, which is essentially this debate or conflict to some degree. I think there's maybe less conflict than sometimes between essentially de-growth ideas, for want of a better word, like techno-optimism ideas or growth ideas. And I guess one of the big challenges, and we sort of said this, you know, can we use technology for good? Is that it does seem probably to a lot, but not all economists that to deal with poverty, whether that's in poor countries between countries or within countries, when you look at the deep or in a wealthy country, like the UK that they will need to have growth really to be able to achieve that. And so, we can talk about equitable growth as opposed to the problem with some degrowth, as it's quite hard to separate within that. And you're not going to be able well, according to the technique, optimist idea the innovation and the technology to face some of these things like health and climate would not happen without growth. On the other hand, like some elements, degrowth is kind of a sort of common sense. So, for instance, food waste, but, you know, in the sense that why would we waste food that you don't have to at seems common sense, but there's a very strong de-growth idea, right? Don't use more than you would do in whether that's the food supply chain or even food on the table. So, I was wondering whether this intersects with any of your thinking.

Catherine Howarth: (58:10) So I'm not a degrowth person, I'm a better growth person. And you know, I think gets back to the idea that we just talked about maximizing welfare rather than just maximizing wealth. We do need a clever version of GDP. And lots of clever people, far cleverer than I, but they had sort of working out how we can do that, and I hope we make some progress on it. 


Ben Yeoh: (58:36) New Zealand might be getting there, which is also why it's flowing into their policy. They've got a kind of living budget idea, which is trying to put in forms of natural capital and therefore policy flowing from that. So maybe starting to happen in a couple of minutes. 


Catherine Howarth: (58:51) Yes, I mean, we're going to need lots of experimentation. And I've had that meeting and having looked at that, and I'm not surprised. I think they have that incredibly brilliant leader. But yes, we need to grow within the safe space for human flourishing. And at the moment, the model of growth we've got is, you know, to use the phrase I used earlier, it's biting us in the bum. It, it is putting us at risk, but of course, we need growth, particularly in parts of the world where people are still suffering, totally unacceptable standard of living, and don't have the absolute necessities. So, a hundred percent I'm all for that. Yeah. So, I


Ben Yeoh: (59:43) Yes, so I mean… I have to say currently where the pandemic is, and what the UK has done on international aid has recently made me a little bit less hopeful. Because within say a progressive better growth agenda, you would want economic growth, technology transfer, and these types to poorer countries, whether you want to invoke what's happened in the past or not even just looking at today, partly because of positive spillovers as well as defeating externalities. And, you know, something like climate externality or pandemic externality, you can't hope to solve without bringing along poorer country counterparts. So that's maybe a little bit less hopeful, but with some of these other things more hopeful. So, I didn't know whether we wanted to end at least on the sort of macro section with anything you'll be doing and potentially more hopeful or any comments on the gap, what we did, what specifically on the UK and international aid. But, the fact that in general, richer nations are not helping poor nations through the pandemic in a way which makes if you were, not that we would have it, but if you had a global government, you would not be doing this right, because it's not a real win-win for everyone.


Catherine Howarth: (1:01:11) No, I mean, you know, vaccine nationalism is the perfect embodiment of everything wrong; just because it's so short, sighted apart from anything else that we will get a new variant of COVID if we don't vaccinate the world at speed. So, the idea that you warn them in your little island is just so foolish and so lacking in moral integrity. The thought I just can't bear it, but anyway, that's the world we're in. Where do I see some hope? Well, I mean, it's one of the reasons the last 13 years at ShareAction has been so fun and joyfulness is that I see, you know, bits and pieces of much more enlightened thinking at work in corners of the business community and the financial sector. And I think there are real limits to that; and I think as I've described earlier, it is critical that we have better and more structured ways of holding accountable people that wield significant power in capital markets and financial sector because their decisions and their policies have a huge impact on all of us.


That's why we're interested in the decisions that they make, but the potential for those decisions to be made well, and in the public interest exists. And I think the space of responsible investment is quite dynamic. And there's almost a bit of a race to the top going on with, and one can be very cynical and say a lot of it greenwash; but, you know, I do see a dynamic where financial services companies and investment firms are trying to out-compete each other in being good on ESG. Well, no way that would last, and also by the way, very interesting that you know, the Biden Administration, as I think seeing that caught up further. The Trump Administration was a break-off on some of that, but we're in a different era.


So, look, I don't want to be too cheerful because there's no consciousness about the world, but I also think people are starting to see that incredibly short-term approach to business management maximizations of profits, without any thought to the externalities created, and the impact of those externalities on the very people who own stock in your company. We were beginning to see through how that doesn't work and towards something better. 

Ben Yeoh :(1:03:45) Great. Well, let's end with this kind of short section on a kind of underrated overrated with a few quick-fire topics, and then maybe some advice to young people or young activists thinking. So yes, for overrated underrated we can try a few things, some of these might be obvious, I guess. So overrated, underrated cycling?

Catherine Howarth: (1:04:09) Underrated.

Ben Yeoh :(1:04:10) underrated green, good to go around, although maybe don't have the infrastructure


Catherine Howarth: (1:04:16) It’s so delightful to cycle. It's so incredibly productive and efficient and use of time and you can't catch COVID on a bicycle. So, like all of these reasons it's, it's smarter, it's nicer and it's healthier and it's also cheaper. So, team cycling.


Ben Yeoh :(1:04:36) Great. Modern art, maybe art in general.


Catherine Howarth: (1:04:41) Overrated. No, arts in general. Okay.


Ben Yeoh :(1:04:44) So modern art, overrated, art in general underrated. 


Catherine Howarth: (1:04:47) Yes. What do you mean by modern art? Do you mean modern painting?


Ben Yeoh :(1:04:56) Can be more precise. Let's say modern painting? I guess I was maybe slightly hinting towards these digital assets that we've got now that you have that might've heard. I mean, that would be the pinnacle of very modern art so-called NFTs. 


Catherine Howarth: (1:05:10) I’m like we don't fall, which I am treating, so yes. Okay. Overrated


Ben Yeoh :(1:05:16) Carbon tax or price or something like that?


Catherine Howarth: (1:05:20) Underrated. We need one. 


Ben Yeoh :(1:05:23) Yes, I completely agree. And I think this idea of carbon, whatever you want to call it, tax dividend, and then actually giving that back to the people, I would probably make it means-tested, but even not. So, some universal benefit, like a sort of child benefit idea would go down because it's although on the one hand the tax might be considered thought of as anti-progressive, the dividend itself would be progressive and more than weigh that out in my view. But anyway, we're not there yet, but maybe. Living in cities or urbanism? 


Catherine Howarth: (1:06:03) Great question, because the pandemics shifting that. I love it. I'll just speak for myself. It's not underrated for me. But I love a visit to the countryside. 


Ben Yeoh :(1:06:18) So maybe correctly rated. I think they're going to have a hard patch now, but I do think they probably have more solutions than problems, which is maybe no good.

Catherine Howarth: (1:06:29) Yes. I know I'm a dedicated city dweller and I think life can be beautiful in cities, but we do have to work hard on, you know, we all need green spaces. There's lots of potential for green space in cities. We can be way more creative with rooftop gardens and all that. We do need to probably fewer cars, more trees, and happier cities


Ben Yeoh :(1:06:54) Agreed. Okay. using your vote?


Catherine Howarth: (1:07:02) Overrated in the UK because we need electoral reform, but I think you will have heard loud and clear that I'm a Democrat and believe in democracy in the course of the conversation we've had. So yes, underrated probably in general and the world. Yeah.


Ben Yeoh :(1:07:25) Yes. Or at least underrated at the company level. I broadly agree. I think if you're a very powerful, notable person, then maybe, you know, your vote, you don't think has as much power as it should do from your power in the world. But for the average person and in the UK, a lot of people aren't voting, and so their voices aren't being heard. So, for the average person, I think it's underrated, maybe overrated in some of these niches. And, the last one for this one would be… oh, actually I had one more before the last one, we touched on.  Which was remote work, which you sort of touched on with the other things.


Catherine Howarth: (1:08:10) Underrated. It was underrated so much by me. I was a real like got to be in the office person. And I can thank the pandemic for the fact that I've transformed my view, but that's because I think video calling technology is just incredibly marvelous and clever. And I just think it surely signals a productivity revolution just because less versus like running around on airplanes and won't be doing that anymore. And I think it's lovely to be at home, you can pop out and have lunch, you know, in your…


Ben Yeoh :(1:08:53) Very positive for your local communities actually, there's that whole community thing.


Catherine Howarth: (1:08:57) It’s great. There's a good piece in the Ft on it today, actually by finding FICO anyway, I'm fine. 


Ben Yeoh :(1:09:02) I agree. I think the two caveats are… there is a specific value in face-to-face, but I think we will be able to do that mostly remote or a hybrid anyway like might meet up that they don't go away


Catherine Howarth: (1:09:17) To me I feel like we're having a lovely conversation. I think it would be that much better if we were breathing on each other, like…


Ben Yeoh :(1:09:26) We have an advantage that we've got, what you would call it, built up social or relationship capital. I do think if we, although having said that I have done some of these chats with people I've never met. So, like this philosopher in Utah talking about gamification and the benefits weigh that. So not only do we get all of the benefits and video, which are probably just as good. There's no way I would have been able to do that podcast without. So, I mean maybe you are right on that.


Catherine Howarth: (1:09:58) I am a fan of the handshake, I'm a fan of the hug, but I'm also a fan and we also really need to travel less and be with our neighbors more. 


Ben Yeoh :(1:10:10) Yes. So, I mean, and I think it will make go hybrid like let's have a lunch or dinner every three or six months and meet up and have fruitful conversations that way, where we need meet on things with our community. So, yes, I think remote work is going to work. The second caveat is it is really good for knowledge workers, but I think as we alluded to, I don't know how this is necessarily going to help people in warehousing or people where you still need physical infrastructure and wouldn't want them to be left behind in the way that their productivity might not change. But I don't know, see how that goes.


Catherine Howarth: (1:10:49) That’s great that we can. One of the things to come out of this pandemic is that we start to value those people more than we did. We talk about underrated, people who do the essential jobs, so underrated, and we need to, you know, give them more dignity, give them more pay, look after them, and acknowledge how critical they are. 


Ben Yeoh :(1:11:11) And to the extent that remote work can actually save some money from our knowledge worker part, then actually giving that to one of a better word, economist, speak again, giving you that to labour, as opposed to the capital knowledge part would seem to me to be a fair shift.


Catherine Howarth: (1:11:26) You know, what we need is a good, old-fashioned trade union, organizing all those roles. Any people have to get organized. No one's going to give them anything without them getting together and demanding it, but let's see, let’s hope.


Ben Yeoh :(1:11:39) Another theory of change, although like you say, legislation, you know, the minimum wage in the US argue one way or the other, but okay. The last one on, on this and then the advice would be having children. 


Catherine Howarth: (1:11:57) Underrated.


Ben Yeoh :(1:11:58) Yes. I agree underrated. I slightly flip-flopped on this, but I am now kind of firmly on the view on two or three things. One is, I think my children have taught me more than I've learned from many other routes. You know, some of this is thinking also about autistic thinking, but that generally. And also, because I kind of think where we are now, we're going to need a younger activated generation to get us out of the problems because I don't see it coming from that older generation. And actually, children are the ones who can do that for all of the reasons, curiosity, new ideas, and as you would hope, the younger generation always does things better as you expect than the older generation. And given where we are now, that we were going to need more of it than less of that. And that's going to have to overcome any of the other challenges that we're worried about natural environment things, which are there, but unfortunately, or fortunately, they're going to have to figure out those things. And we're only going to be able to do it with them and with that presence, as opposed to not, that's kind of where I've ended up on that.


Catherine Howarth: (1:13:04) Yes. I completely agree. Yesterday my son had his last day in primary school, my older son. It was an emotional day saying goodbye to his little mates, and it's a very multicultural school. The white children are a small minority of the class and they've had the most amazing education together for seven years. It's just a very small school, one for elementary, just thirty in his year group. And they've been on a little journey together for seven years in primary school. And they've learned so much about the world and are just amazed by how beautiful the education is they've had. He came back from school at age six to tell me all about the sustainable development goals. I was gobsmacked, you know, and they're enlightened. And they are learning about personal resilience, they are learning all these brilliant skills. And they are learning that not all is right about the world but, you know, they can do something about that and they must do something about that. And I'm just very impressed by the education my boys have had in the local primary school here. And it does make me hopeful and you're right, that kids are going to have to put things right. That we all, I was going to use a swear word, but…


Ben Yeoh :(1:14:25) I completely agree. And you know, I think I was taught about the ozone layer, but nothing around broad sustainability or any of these other issues, which we're now being taught. And I speak to senior managers today in something like healthcare, which is generally quite purposeful. And a lot of them say, yes, we fell into it. We didn't necessarily think about it you know. We could have gone into healthcare, we could have gone into advertising and we've ended up in a big biopharmaceutical company or medical technology company, but they're saying the generation Y or Z that they're speaking to are attracted to them because it is purposeful that they feel like, okay, this is how we're going to make an impact. And that's a generational sea change about what they're seeing. And then actually this goes into how you attract those sorts of people, you know, active people who are engaged, wanting to work in the more purposeful type of business, this idea that we can have tech for good or business for good as well. Great. So maybe ending on the final question would be, do you have any advice or thoughts for perhaps younger people or younger activists or people who are activists in general about what they could be doing in the world?


Catherine Howarth: (1:15:41) Wow. Well, I would say read a lot and not just on Twitter, try to read outside your bubble or social media or Instagram or whatever it is, read books and listen a lot, especially to people who are outside of your social groups. And try and get deeply into something, practice something, I don't know what it might be. Try and get good, get a little mastery at something, or a few things, keep moving, experimenting, I don't know. I haven't got any advice. I'm so humbled to face that question is just


Ben Yeoh :(1:16:30) That sounds like brilliant advice. Listen, read a lot, also think outside your box, be kind of constructively challenged by those who might not be quite like you or inside your circle, and therefore step outside of your comfort zone a little bit. I had an improv master talking about that in terms of that practice as well. And then I think this idea of deep mastery on something that you're interested in, you know, knowing something or to the extent that you can know a lot of things are helpful. Because I think nowadays if you have deep mastery of something, you can maybe apply it to the things you didn't think about. So, when you go outside your box, and then also if you're curious about whatever it is, and you have deep mastery of it, it's very satisfying for people to follow that.


Catherine Howarth: (1:17:25) And that might be karate, or it might be a flute, or it might be, you know…


Ben Yeoh :(1:17:32) Poetry, canoeing, hairdressing whatever it is.


Catherine Howarth: (1:17:35) Whatever it is.


Ben Yeoh :(1:17:37) In fact, the weirder, the better, maybe. Great. Well, on that note, I would like to thank you very much. It's been an amazing time.


Catherine Howarth: (1:17:49) Yes. That's great. Great, absolutely great. Ben, thank you so much for asking me to do it.


Ben Yeoh :(1:17:53) Thank you. If you appreciate the show, please like, and subscribe as it helps others find the podcast. 

In ESG, Investing, Podcast Tags Catherine Howarth, Activism, Investing, ESG

Matt Clancy on innovation studies, progress and remote work

July 15, 2021 Ben Yeoh

Matt Clancy is a progress fellow at Emergent Ventures. He teaches at Iowa State University and writes on Substack a newsletter called New Things Under the Sun, which you should subscribe to if you are interested in anything innovation related. Matt has also synthesised many of the emerging studies on remote working. Transcript and podcast links below.

We discuss whether progress has been stagnating and the importance of moral and social progress as well as technological. 

Whether small team or large teams are better for invention.

How important are agglomeration effects and how a declining agglomeration impact might make the case for remote work stronger. 

The role of innovation prizes and patents for incentivising innovation and if copyright is too long. 

Whether innovation agencies (eg ARPA) are the answer and what Matt would do as an executive director of one. 

Differences between UK and US university systems and advice for young people. 

Contents

  • 01:51 Two waves of stagnation. Vollrath’s fully grown. Noah Smith on energy shocks.

  • 07:40 Recent stagnation potentially overstated

  • 12:36 Measuring general purpose technologies

  • 14:38 What TFP and GDP miss

  • 18:16 Consumer surplus, undercounting historic gains (Gordon)

  • 22:42 Social, moral progress

  • 27:07 Mindset, evolutionary biology theory of innovation

  • 33:57 Small teams or large teams for innovation

  • 37:39 Importance of combining technology knowledge

  • 45:14 Different incentive mechanisms, time horizons

  • 49:59 Funding new things

  • 55:35 ARPA, innovation agency models

  • 01:04:52 Importance of specialised knowledge

  • 01:09:22 Copyright length critique

  • 01:14:50 Pharmaceutical patents

  • 01:23:11 Under/Over rated. City Agglomeration 01:27:03 GDP as a measure 01:30:57 NFTs 01:34:17 Science Fiction

  • 01:37:52 Religion and Physics as an undergrad

  • 01:41:27 US vs UK university

  • 01:48:24 Remote work, current data

  • 2:01:23 Value of physical meetings

  • 02:03:37 Personal productivity

PODCAST INFO:

  • Apple Podcasts: https://apple.co/3gJTSuo

  • Spotify: https://sptfy.com/benyeoh

  • Anchor: https://anchor.fm/benjamin-yeoh


Matt Clancy on Innovation Studies, Progress, and Remote Work (unedited transcript)

Ben Yeoh (00:01): Hello, and welcome to Ben Yeoh chats. My personal podcast. If you're curious about the world, this show is for you. What's the future of remote work? How best do we spark and develop innovation? In this episode, I speak to Matt Clancy. We discuss how Matt is thinking about innovation, the censorship of work he's doing on what nurtures innovation, and the future of remote work. If you liked the show, please like, and subscribe as it helps others find the podcast enjoy, Hey everyone. I am super excited to chat with Matt Clancy. Matt is a progress fellow at emergent ventures. He teaches at Iowa state university and writes on sub stack a newsletter called new things under the sun, which you should subscribe to if you're interested in anything innovation-related. Matt has also synthesised many of the emerging studies on remote working. So, Matt, welcome.


Matt Clancy (01:00): Thanks for having me on, it’s refreshing to be here.


Ben Yeoh (01:04): Great. There has been plenty of debate as to whether innovation has been stagnating and whether it might now be rejuvenating to some extent, and there's this observation and several studies that showing or suggesting that it's costing more R and D dollars to achieve similar progress across several domains, such as pharmaceutical drugs, crop yield, semiconductor productivity, and that seems to hold, but there are counter-arguments around whether we're measuring the correct things. And I think Dietrich's Vollrath has attributed apparent progress a lot to human capital factors. What's your reading of the arguments? And do you have a sense about where we stand and how obvious this observation might be or not?


Matt Clancy (01:51): This is a huge topic. But so, there's kind of two waves of stagnation that people talk about. And there was the big stagnation, which was kind of starting in the seventies or total factor productivity is one way to measure. It was one of the people trying to measure the technological progress of the entire society. It's roughly a statistical way to pull out. I would say the extra oomph you get from the same number of inputs. And that was something that grew at a rate of 2.8% between 50 years around 1920 to 1970, maybe, and then it fell to 1.6% since then. And so that's sort of the big one because that compounds over time and it makes a big difference, but then there's been this sort of smaller mini stagnation since the two thousand. And 1.6 fell again. And where I stand is that I think that the significance of the big stagnation is real, but I think it's a little bit overstated for some reasons. I think the significance of sort of the litter stagnation since the two thousand is not really about technological progress slowing down. It's more about other things. So Vollrath has this really great book Fully Grown, and he really digs into a number of the second stagnation, a little stagnation, and it shows that you can really account for this without having to go to technology. It's kind of that old quip about you don't mention God in your explanations. I wasn't the car or something, and he's God, have no need for that hypothesis.


…does the same thing with this little stagnation. … if you look at declines in geographic mobility, the decline in the start and stop rate of firms entering exiting, you can account for most of this total factor productivity slowdown since the two thousands and a couple other things. And you don't really need to say anything, it's due to technology. And also, a big one is the transition of consumers from purchasing easily, products that are manufactured and are really easy to make them better and make total factor productivity better for making a TV and consumers are just buying less of that stuff and buying more and more stuff like services, healthcare and education and stuff, which is harder to advance. It's harder to improve the total factor productivity of those things. Think of daycare, my kids go to daycare and they're cared for by like one person for every four kids. And they're babies. And you don't necessarily want to have one person caring for 60 kids or something like that. Right? There's something about that person. So it's hard to improve the efficiency of labor in that sense. Anyway, we're spending more money on that stuff, because basically the other stuff is so cheap and we've gotten so good at making it. It can be the case that there was no slowdown and technological progress and making TVs or making computers, but we kind of satisfied our demands, we’re ok, these are great. And I'm going to use the money I saved instead of buying an even bigger TV, I'll buy only a little bit bigger TV and use the extra money on this other stuff.


And that means more spending is allocated to the slower-growing sectors of the economy. There may not have been a slowdown. It's just that we're spending more on the slower-growing sections. And so, it looks like a slowdown in TFP. That's a long-winded thing about the second one, but the first one you can't necessarily write it off using the same kind of techniques. And Noah Smith has this kind of interesting theory that it's all about the energy shocks in the 1970s. And that technology was on this trajectory up through most of the 20th century until the 1970s that was premised on using more and more energy to do more and more cool stuff to fly to the stars or robots and all sorts of stuff. And in the 1970s, the oil shocks made oil really expensive. And I think that there's this my working hypothesis and I haven't dug into it. This is the kind of thing where, it kind of qualitatively sounds like it could work, but I haven't dug into the numbers to see if it really can account for everything. But my sort of pet theory is that similar to Noah Smith is that oil shocks meant people felt we can't count on. They're just being abundant energy. And instead of diverting resources towards R and D, that's going to depend on there being abundant energy. We're going to divert R and D towards energy efficiency. And I think this created this big expectation. Scientists were just as productive as ever at figuring stuff out, but the kinds of things they were figuring out what the things that people had been conditioned to start to expect through movies and visions and extrapolating from trends.


And so instead of getting supersonic planes and space flight and stuff, we got energy efficient Peters or stuff that sounds lame, or there's this better installation, but there's this clip that the speed of travel across the United States hasn't sped up at all, but it's gotten a lot more energy efficient over that time. It's got a lot safer.


Ben Yeoh (07:39): Planes become safer.


Matt Clancy (07:40): It's has and so it's the future doesn't look like we thought it would because we were extrapolating and we sort of changed tracks. And so that's why I think that it's real, but also that it is a little bit over I don't know, like exaggerated, because I think the progress is real, but it's just the world feels qualitatively different when you have new kinds of products that you've never seen before doing a new kit with new capabilities, versus when you have your existing products being more efficient and safe it just doesn't feel necessarily things are advancing at the same rate because you're not being surprised and wow, but I don't know if that necessarily, I wouldn't necessarily think the second kind of innovation is any less important. My take is that the energy shacks grant set us on a trajectory that was different. And so it doesn't look like we expected it to, and then on top of that, there's this period of probably inefficient research or where R and D wasn't producing technologies as quickly as it had before, because they had to sort of retrain, rebuild up the knowledge set to do this new type of on R and D that was promised on different things than abundant energy. And that meant people weren't as productive until they sort of rebuilt the knowledge base to where it was for energy efficient. So there's this famous paper by Daron Acemoglu about climate change and how we need to subsidize technological progress in addition to doing a carbon tax.


And he sort of talks about how R and D for fossil fuel-based transportation have continued all along internal combustion engines get better and better and better. And as they get better and better and better, it gets harder and harder to switch to energy-efficient stuff, because there's going to be if the technology is not at that level, then there's this big step down in living standards as we transitioned to this other thing. And he is talking about how you need to subsidize that other technology field to sort of catch up to providing the same capabilities that we can get from the fossil fuel-derived stuff. And there's a role for subsidies in addition to just carbon taxes to doing that. And I think it's the same idea. And then the last part is just that I think people have this bias towards things that were better when I was younger.


Ben Yeoh (10:17): Right, yes.


Matt Clancy (10:17): That's just this continual, that's a sort of this under [Inaudible 00:10:21] [Cross-Talk 00:10:21] in the background. 


Ben Yeoh (10:24): Great. Well, that's raised a load of interesting thoughts which we can discuss. So one is on a fact we spoke earlier to Anton house about the difference we put on incremental innovation versus transformational. And I think you're saying incremental is kind of undervalued. And the second is I think what I would think of as what some people might call the Baumol effect, this idea, like you said, on childcare, which would be the same for waste services, arguably the same in some big sectors like healthcare and education, you want teacher ratios and doctor ratios, you can't scale that it's gone, it's can't scale that much further. And then a little bit, I think would be really interesting on that climate fossil fuel piece, because the data I've seen suggests that for instance, the R and D part looking at renewable energy worldwide, both public and private has only been around the order of $15 billion, which is a real tiny drop in the ocean. We spent about probably 2 trillion orders of magnitude on R and D last year and much more on fossil fuel, R and D like you say, I think at least 10 times more, whereas renewable energy pieces are only 15. I'm kind of interested though, I guess, in two parts on the measurement things how do you think this accounts for these kinds of more general-purpose inventions or not, I'm really intrigued by, for instance, a double-blind trial design. So these are kind of what you might call RCTs or whatever. And I'm interested in a couple of ways because one is in theory, we could have invented them a lot earlier. I think actually, even in ancient times, a couple of empires had this, but it didn't stick. And then even famously when it was kind of reinvented around the time of trying to eradicate scurvy with ships going, they kind of lost it a couple of times before it stuck. And then it started in medicine and now is in economics and all over. And I was wondering about how effective you think that those general-purpose things go into these measurements and the second. Actually, why don't you start on that one?


Matt Clancy (12:36): About how you measure these general-purpose technologies, that's one reason that people like things like these really big aggregate measures, just real GDP per capita or total factor productivity, because the hope is that all that stuff spins out into very easy rather than trying to figure out exactly what the benefit of say double-blind testing is, you're just like, well, eventually it ends in better knowledge, which lets us develop better pharmaceutical companies. And that gets reflected in their sales that gets reflected in real GDP, real GDP per capita. And, that's kind of the argument for these really big aggregate ones is that you don't have to get into the nitty-gritty of thinking of all the different ways that any one invention could have positive effects, but then the downside is that it's so far removed. And also, that there are lots of other things that can affect those measures than just the quality of knowledge. And so, it's a real problem. And in terms of the benefits of RCTs or double-blind testing, I guess, I think that's a really interesting problem too, how would you measure the gains from that? I mean, you would look at if I was going to pick a domain for one, so medicine and you'd look at kind of the quality of the trajectory of improvement in diseases that use this method versus ones that don't, that might be one hypothetical way to do it.


Ben Yeoh (14:10): Sure.


Matt Clancy (14:10): But in general, I think it's real.


Ben Yeoh (14:12): Arguably you don't have any modern medicine, so no pharmaceuticals would exist without this. Because you wouldn't know whether they work sort of. So that is essentially all of the medicine doesn't exist without this one general purpose. And then actually it spills over into many other things that could have started in medicine, but obviously, you have it in these other things. So intriguing. Do you think TFP actually accounts for that or does it miss something?


Matt Clancy (14:38): I mean, TFP and real GDP per capita, they both all kinds of, the things they miss are things that are not captured in transactions because ultimately, they derive their value. So if double-blind testing develops better medicines, then people are willing to pay more for it, or even if it has this indirect effect where they live more and then they're able to produce more economic value through their lives that would get caught, that would sort of be in there. But the satisfaction that you get from being alive or from being able to see grandma for another 20 years, that is just missed from these figures. And so, it's a problem. What people sometimes say is well, if it's a problem, hopefully, it's not a problem that changes its intensity over time, because then you can, at least still, you can then add tack on an extra 50% in value. But since it's constant through time we can still look at the trends we have. I don't know. I mean you have to make, for any specific case, you can probably make arguments, whether that's sensible or not. But I do think this idea that double-blind testing can be lost and it's an old, easy-to-understand idea about how come people didn't do it. I think it kind of emphasizes the value of good measurement for just innovation. If you want to facilitate incremental innovation, being able to detect a 3% improvement is really important. Because otherwise, if there's a lot of noise people will just forget it and then nothing gets, we don't build on anything. You don't, we just get stuck trying new things and abandoned them and trying different things instead of keeping the ones that work and then getting 3% better every year.


Ben Yeoh (16:32): That makes a lot of sense. And I guess you partially answered one of my follow-up thoughts would be on one aspect of that. So I'm quite intrigued by pain or pain control. So because actually, it doesn't cost very much now for pain control. So morphine or even headaches, aspirin cost very little. But if you ask people, the utility is quite high to not suffer from headaches, even though we don't pay very much for it in dollars. And then actually you can take it to an extreme where today and arguably say for the last 50 to 70 years, you can now spend the last month of your life if you've got some terminal illness, pain-free. More or less pain-free because you could be morphine or something that. And if you were to ask people and some people do, would you exchange half your fortune or even your entire fortune to now be able to die pain-free in the last month of your life, a lot of people are kind of saying yes, and your family around you, knowing that you can be pain-free is incredibly valuable. And I can understand that's one single step up because we're not going to end that. But I am interested because I'm not sure it is constant over time, although I have no idea how you'd measure it, it seems to me enormously valuable that now for quite a lot of humanity for the rest of time, more or less we can die pain-free I did. That's kind of an unbelievable amount of value, which is not captured in any of these measurements. Is that the kind of correct way of looking at it or are there more complications about how we see value or I guess progress in the wider sense?


Matt Clancy (18:16): I think that what you're getting at is sort of the difference between consumer surplus, which is the gap between somebody's willingness to pay and what they actually pay and then what they actually pay. And in a perfectly competitive market, the price something is charged as the marginal willingness to pay at the last person or whatever, but there are all these other non-marginal people who are driving enormous benefits from it and sometimes you hear. I haven't heard people talk about it in the sense of alleviation of pain. And I think that's a really good example, but it is something that people have wondered a lot about in terms of the quality of digital goods. the value of the internet basically is people don't spend very much, there are still costs associated with it that show up in GDP, transactions that are conducted over the internet advertising that is spent. They spend more on ads if they think people are going to spend more on time, which is in some very indirect way a signal of the value people gets from being online, but it's very indirect and it's, and there have been estimating that the value people derived from say Facebook is I think at the median value in surveys and auctions, where they do these experiments, where they're going to actually pay people to delete their Facebook account. And the median willingness to pay is over a thousand dollars. Maybe that's the mean, but anyway, it's really high. And obviously, Facebook for most people is free. And I think that the ads per person that are spent on Facebook are way under a thousand dollars too. People have looked into trying to say, well, maybe this mismeasurement is why we seem to have this little stagnation since two thousand.


And the sense I get is that most people think that that doesn't really seem to work. And Robert Gordon who wrote this famous horizon fall of American growth book that sort of surveys, the history of innovation and technological change in the United States, going back to 1850, also talks about these uncaptured games. And I think he would argue something, well, the gain from morphine is a lot bigger than the unmeasured gain we get from pain alleviation and morphine, or whatever is much higher than the unmeasured gains we get from the internet. So he would argue that it makes the case stronger for a slowdown, he emphasizes things, people used to wear clothes that were just really uncomfortable and scratchy, and that was their whole lives. And people didn't have air conditioning, you have to live in the ambient temperature. And we don't in the developed world. We don't think about these costs anymore. And those gains were not the full value people were willing to get. Those were not necessarily captured in the GDP and ways of measuring total factor productivity were a lot shakier back then too. So he argues that we are undercounting the gains in the past if anything.


Ben Yeoh (21:24): That makes sense. Maybe a question we will probably not quite ever fully answer, but I can see those arguments, maybe taking one, why is the step touching perhaps into philosophy what do you think about other aspects of progress, which we might think about as progress, but what doesn't necessarily square into innovation? So I'm thinking about social and, or maybe moral progress, maybe most obviously seen for things like say women's rights or minority rights all going back in time even to slavery, where you get a consensus today generally that's better and therefore quite valuable, particularly for those groups say women's and minorities. And again, I guess this is something which generally doesn't go into GDP, although there probably is a GDP element by getting women into the workforce or TFP, generally think there are some aspects of progress and actually the arguments that some of those harder to add to ascertain parts of progress. I guess gay marriage for people who want that now, which is on the increasing rates of a moment, they are seeing some progress and therefore some innovation. Would you put that within the scope of kind of progress or within that, or is it just too far outside what we can measure?


Matt Clancy (22:42): No, I certainly think that in some ways that's sort of the most important types of progress. This kind of progress is ultimately probably more important than a lot of material progress that's made. But it's definitely not captured in GDP. And that's a problem. One way that you can try to get around that is to try to use, I don't know, the measure of, people do try to do these indices of inequality, for example, where they adjust for utility people get maybe from different levels of income, where if you have declining marginal utility, then that means having a couple of really rich people doesn't offset having loads of poor people, but still, that's still ultimately getting into material measures. I think that these other kinds of progress don't follow necessarily a lot of the same dynamics that I study intellectual property rights or emerging from basic science or this or that. But I still think they're really important and undervalued, and I have this sort of thought actually like that we should have. We need to, there's a little bit too much emphasis sometimes on just the hard material innovation and there's sometimes people underwrite this stuff. They focus too much on the material going forward just having cool new sci-fi type inventions and sort of that being the main thing we want, but we shouldn't neglect sort of what I call it, I don't know the social technology that stuff is in some ways more important than for people's lives. When you think about this critique of the little stagnation that people are spending more money on services, instead of things, I feel that's a signal you don't necessarily want to ignore that.


People are all right, well, we've had, thanks for making these TVs, these are great. And thanks for making all this other stuff, but I'll keep all that. But now I want to focus on these other parts of my life and improving kind of these nine material parts seems something maybe since that's where people are spending their money, that's telling us that that's really important. And one thing that's kind of interesting I thought about sometimes these things aren't as unrelated as you think social cohesion or a marriage or something like that. And marriage has been dating and finding partners it has been really affected by online dating technology basically. And so sometimes the material stuff does have significant impacts on the quality of these aspects of our life that is not entirely mediated through economic exchange or I've been a big believer in remote work. And one of the reasons is that it lets people choose where they want to live and how they want to live their lives more based on things like their community and who they know their social ties rather than necessarily having that choice that constrained by this is where the jobs are that's in my skills.


Ben Yeoh (26:10): That makes a lot of sense. And you say, GDP actually correlates quite well with a lot of these other things like happiness or peace, although not perfectly. So thinking maybe upstream about innovation. So Anton house has this idea that it's kind of the improving mindset that you need before kind of innovation sparks in individuals. I was wondering whether you had any thoughts about what might spark off innovation generally, and what are the factors that you think about, people talk about agglomeration effects. Do you have to be in cities that we've got remote work and Anton thinks you have to start with a person and then all of these other things probably not proven any particular way, but I'd be interested in where you think there might be a spark of innovation. Does it start with the person in which case policy should be maybe designed around that?


Matt Clancy (27:07): I really like Anton's emphasis on people changing their mindset and changing what they believe. So Joseph Henrik has this book the secret of our success, which is sort of this long history of cultural evolution in the human species and so on. And he talks about how through most of human history, culture has got more complicated in tech. essentially, we would say innovation happened. It just happened at a really slow rate, but tools got more advanced and stuff. And that all happened without really an improving mindset. I think people just accidentally, maybe it did. I don't know, but for whatever reason, when people were learning how to make tools or whatever, or hunting practices they imperfectly copied whoever somebody else was and maybe they were a tinkerer looking to improve, or maybe it was just a mistake. Maybe it was serendipity, but observing what worked and sort of an evolutionary process allowed innovations to happen, but it was super slow. And I think one of the big things that changed in the industrial revolution is that people got this idea that you can, the way I should preface this by saying, so go back before the industrial revolution. And if you're living in that kind of world where people have a really poor causal understanding of how things work it's the best survival strategy is going to be good at copying what works for other people in your society and not trying to improve it because nine times out of 10, when you try to improve it, you're going to make it worse. And Henrik’s book has these really awesome examples of preparing poisonous plants for consumption.


And there are these extremely onerous. There are lots of things you have to do, it's very time-consuming and very like lots of effort. And many of the steps don't seem to do anything. If you're the one who's is just trying to reason about it, you can't see what the impact of boiling it for 24 hours is for example, but that stuff is really working. It's leaching the poison out and it's leaching it out in a way that you won't be able to detect just by taste and, or getting sick in 24 hours. But it would, if you didn't, if you skipped these steps, you'd pay the prices in by dying 20 years early or something like that. So in that kind of world where there are all these sorts of opaque things going on in the background of how your technology works, the best thing to do is going to be to just copy. And don't try to be smarter than everybody else and figure it out because if you try to take shortcuts, there's a reason thing are the way they are. They were selected that way through being the fittest and you're going to get wrong, I get it wrong. But then by the industrial revolution we had, technology had changed enough that there was sort of scope for just tinkering and figuring things out. I think some of this is just the sort of a new menu of technologies to tinker with that hadn't been optimized over millennia. So there really were some free lunches around. And then at the same time, you had this growing scientific knowledge of how the world works, that made also proactively going out there and trying to figure out better ways to do things like a more reasonable activity. And it's been, I think there's been the switch in the last 300 years were now actively trying to think of better ways to do things is suddenly something that sort of makes sense suddenly in a very long run in for our species.


But I think we still have this baggage from our deep evolutionary past if that's not something we'd normally think of doing. We think we're sort of client bias towards the status quo because for millennia, trying to deviate from the status quo is usually a bad idea. And so, what's interesting is I think in the modern developed world, you can get these, the status quo can become in some places that you just try to do new things. If you live in Silicon Valley or if you live in an area where there are lots of people doing new and exciting things that becomes the thing that you copy for other people. And you hijack these old processes where it's previously I would copy the canoe making techniques of the guy who lived the longest and seemed as I had just had the most prestige in the community and he built really good canoes. He was around because he made them and whatever. But now you copy Elon Musk or something. So it gives that sort of improving mentality. So I think that we're in better shape than ever in terms of creating improving mindsets, but we fight this really big battle because our bias is always going to be towards just doing what everybody else is doing, not taking new risks. And so we've entered and so there's something fragile about it, where if innovation would stop, it would kind of then it could sort of stop. It could get locked in at this frozen level because you suddenly don't have people getting the idea to try to do new things right now. Right now, we're in this really lucky equilibrium where there are enough people trying to invent new things, that is something that is seen as a normal thing to do. And you don't have to rely only on weirdos and outcasts to doing that, I guess.


Ben Yeoh (32:52): Great. I hadn't, I'm going to call that the evolutionary biology idea of innovation and status quo, which I haven't heard before, but I could see, social cohesion during the ice age, you have to do what everyone does otherwise, you're not going to survive. And therefore, we will do that. And now if you're in South San Francisco and you're not working on a startup, you're a little bit weird because surely that's what everyone else is doing. And so, you might

Matt Clancy (33:18): Exactly, but Henrik's bookers is an awesome example of explorers going to these places where indigenous people live successfully for millennia. And it's this natural experiment where these explorers get stranded and they have to figure out how are we going to survive there? And they can't, they usually die. And it's because pre 18 hundred or whatever the natural world is not the kind of thing that the human brain can just figure out in one go, it takes generations of standing on people's shoulders.


Ben Yeoh (33:50): You dropped me in the Indonesian jungle right now. You probably never thing hearing from me yet.


Matt Clancy (33:55): Yes, exactly.


Ben Yeoh (33:57): Maybe moving downstream one piece then. So say you are in charge of a medium, large firm says maybe 5,000 staff and maybe 500 or 500,000. So maybe 10% or 20% of your budget is on R and D. So you're working on innovation. How are you, I guess this is called a corporate lab question. How do you think they should be thinking about organizing that innovation or not? I'm particularly interested in, do you think small teams or large teams, and do you think the sector or the problem makes a difference? So whether you're eating out more, say incremental process improvements versus perhaps a transformational more moonshot idea, does that vary, or should we always be thinking about a small team or a large team, and then I'm going to go on and ask you about glomeration effects with that or not where you can cite it and also size, but let's start with kind of small team or large team or anything you should think about organizational R and D effectiveness now that we've decided that we are going to work on this innovation problem.


Matt Clancy (35:09): Now we've generated a pool of people who have improving mindsets and we're going to figure out how to organize the best.


Ben Yeoh (35:16): Yes. Exactly.


Matt Clancy (35:16):  I preface this by saying there's a huge literature of people who this is their life's work to think about these problems. And so, I'll give you my take, but [Inaudible 35:26].


Ben Yeoh (35:28): And no consensus answer because if we'd solve this, we'd be doing it, but yes, I'd be interested in what you think.


Matt Clancy (35:34): So I think I'm really influenced by this theory called the burden of knowledge, but Ben Jones is an economist at Northwestern and he kind of argues that pushing forward innovation is sort of a general rule tends to take more knowledge than what came before. It's not universal. I think because you can have situations a computer revolution where something really new happens and you can make big contributions without having a deep well of knowledge. You can be a Zuckerberg and found a new company. You don't need to have a Ph.D. before you're having enough knowledge to push the frontier. But most technology, most of the time is not in that state, and pushing things further requires more knowledge than earlier because otherwise they would have been solved like problems that are left unsolved are the ones that we didn't have enough knowledge to solve at the time. And so that creates this problem from the management of innovation sector, mature fields that have been around a long time. They need a lot of knowledge applied to them, and knowledge can only really be applied until we invent AI by humans. And so, you have to get knowledge into people's brains and that means basically large teams of specialists. The way you deploy a lot of knowledge at a problem that needs a lot of knowledge, as you get a large team of specialists who are all really deep in one thing, and then you have to coordinate their actions. The problem there is that innovation, breakthrough innovation, I think tends to come from putting old components together in a new way or drawing a connection and seeing that some kind of theory is a useful metaphor for a domain that is different. So we can apply the lessons in this one to another. And if everybody is a specialist, they're super trained in their niche and they don't necessarily, it's harder to make these connections


Ben Yeoh (37:34): Combination technology across adjacent domains or even far away domains.


Matt Clancy (37:39): Exactly. So the way you kind of, the way that companies have tried to get around this is they encourage things like open offices and they try to get everybody talking to each other all the time. That's sort of I think of that as we've got this collective brain and we're trying to sort of share knowledge within it amongst each other. 


Ben Yeoh (37:58): But it's that kind of serendipity process almost right.


Matt Clancy (38:01): We're trying to maximize encounters between people because we don't know which ones will be useful. Now I think that that process is probably wise. When we talk about agglomeration, we can talk about whether you can do that digitally versus whether you have to be in an open-plan office. But I think the point I want to make now is that it probably happens less efficiently when it's when all the knowledge is split across a bunch of people's heads. Then when it's all in one person's brain, because you've probably had this experience where you have a problem and you're just mulling it over for weeks. And that's bringing in that process, especially when you go off work and you do other things and that activates different parts of knowledge in your brain that are not, you maybe didn't think were related to your problem. And then you have the moment, maybe or something like that. And so, I think that smaller individual who knows everything who knows that all the specialists know would probably be able to come up with a more innovative answer than the team of specialists. But those kinds of people are just really expensive and really rare. And it takes a lot of time for them to train and it might be almost impossible for them to keep up with the frontier in multiple domains of knowledge. That's actually one reason I started the newsletter is because I feel this is a real growing problem that people are specialized in different domains and they don't necessarily know what's going around or going on in other domains. And so, the goal of the newsletter is actually to try and digest and synthesize this stuff. And if you see a connection, you can go read that paper maybe or so on. But there's actually a study, and it's just one study, but it's a new study that looks at this exact problem of the size of teams versus their impact and versus how disruptive their ideas are. And so, they measure these things differently.


The impact is measured by how much do you get cited? And the disruption is this index they come up with where if your idea is really disruptive, it means people cite you, but they don't cite the kind of work that you cited. You overturned all that previous knowledge and now people just start with you. Whereas if they cite you in conjunction with lots of other people that you cite, that kind of indicates, you're an incremental step in this process. And they find that small teams do a better job at creating these disruptive innovations and large teams do a better job at creating these high-impact innovations. And I think a problem that we have to deal with as our technological base gets more and more advanced and more complicated is how we continue to find these really radical breakthroughs when we need bigger and bigger teams in order to sort of advance things. And I think we're still trying to figure that out. There's some interesting work that I want to read about what happens if you embed a generalist who knows a little bit about everything with a team of specialists, maybe they can be the bridge to see the connections. But I said, I haven't gotten around to reading it, that's stuff that'll be in the newsletter. I don't know sometimes.


Ben Yeoh (41:23): Sure. And it might vary by domain you say, mature or maturing ones, we could see, one of the things, a lot about crop science, if you're working on the crop science for resistant Bali or over genes you'll need to build on a lot of knowledge. But I am still intrigued about even the size of teams because there's one theory, which I guess is stemmed because of Amazon and a few others who have this pizza box theory, which means you basically have eight to twelve people teams, but I think that's an organizational effect. Whereas if you have 300 people, they can't communicate as effectively, I guess it's that domain transfer. And also, you kind of made me think, oh, well, person X is going to do this because they thought about that. And it's not clear to me which one is actually better, except that if you have these small teams filled with what you pointed out these very knowledgeable people who know a lot are obviously key, whether they're in a part of large or part of small. And I do wonder whether it intersects with this idea of, what is it, the social weak ties idea so they can connect others because they've got enough domain knowledge to say, oh, what, Bob and Fred and Sally will need to speak because I kind of see something there, even though I might not know enough about how this works. I know enough to know that these people are there which I guess is an organizational part. But I wonder increasingly to what you alluded to, it's an increasingly important part of how we will do innovation because you need to now know so much and you need this mix of small teams, large teams' domain-specific knowledge, but then now across many domains.


Matt Clancy (43:10): And one thing I always do whenever I talk to sort of people who know a lot about computers or learn, AI or machine learning, I always say this is it, I hope this is an area that, some kind of can be solved with some kind of better artificial intelligence assistance or machine learning assistance where it sort of spots connections between fields and some is able to say, you should really talk to this guy or, there's a connection between what you work on and they work on it, even if you're not connected socially.


Ben Yeoh (43:46): Sure. We have this bunch of people and we're going to work on a problem. So, maybe …  it's how to detect cancer in the blood, which is something we're working on now. What do you think the mix should be between say public funding versus private corporation incentive prizes versus say tax breaks? So maybe we can work on even bigger problems. So we're looking at some energy problems, also climate problems, multifactorial global. How do you think you would plan actual incentives, funding, and structure to get various teams, whether public or private, and what portion to work on these innovation problems? Let's assume we've got; they've got the improving mindset. So we've got the right kind of people, but should we, should we be public? Should we be private, large teams, small teams, agglomeration incentive prizes may be purchased commitments depending on what it is. Is that, is it kind of all of the above or do you feel actually from what you read, there is waiting for one or two of these types of structures and texts links that we do or I'll throw in the other one, which I think some people are talking a lot now, Patrick condoms and the others that you just need that diversity of these ideas because we're not certain what hits, but we don't have enough of all of their above.


Matt Clancy (45:14): I definitely, think that's a consensus among lots of people. Citizens, we just need to try a lot more things in a way that we measure. And one, we measure the outcomes and because I said, small changes can accumulate and so they're important to keep track of, but also if we can deploy our experiments in a rigorous way that we can make it easier to learn from them, everyone, I think I'm totally on board with that. And I really hope that we do a lot more of that but on this other question of sort of the general question of public versus private or prizes and sort of how you incentivize work on specific things. So I think that in terms of too there it really depends on your time horizon. All right? So if you're trying to solve a problem in the short term, whether that's winning a war against the Germans and the axis powers or whether that's defeating the Corona virus, then I think your high-powered incentives and specialization coordinating research works pretty well because what we're going to end up doing is we're going to take the best option that we have. That's technologically we believe is technologically feasible and we're going to rant that up really quickly. So it'll have the Manhattan project or we'll have these MRNA vaccines or something that. And, and I think that works because in a short time problem, you don't have basic research is so it takes a long time. It's really risky and you don't necessarily have the luxury of waiting. And so, it's better, in that case, to just taken the option that you have.


And you can I think for advanced purchase commitments work pretty well profit motive is going to mobilize resources that people think are likely to solve the problem pretty well. So I looked at the early days of the coronavirus, I wrote one newsletter about studies on how pharmaceutical companies respond to market demand. And essentially there's a lot of interesting little natural experiments people have looked at where for whatever reason there was an increase in demand or willingness to pay for one type of disease than another. And how does that affect the incentives to do research on that disease? And basically, pharma companies follow the profits, they do more R and B, they run more clinical trials on stuff that's going to be more profitable. But the key is that it has a big effect on third-stage clinical trials or getting a generic drug run through its safety protocols. As you go farther down the chain, it has less and less or down to basically zero effect. So when might think that, for example, with COVID-19, suddenly if you can solve this problem, you're going to be enormously wealthy. And so, you might think that's going to increase R and D across the board for everything by the same amount. But what you've tended to find was there's a huge increase in the number of people looking to see if already approved drugs also had efficacy against COVID-19. You had a lot of people working on vaccine technology, M RNA technology seems miraculous, but we were very lucky that it was already ready for prime time when the disease came. It wasn't they still had to do fundamental research to figure out how to make it work before then. But if you go back, you're not going to see people trying to understand how Corona viruses work necessarily with the hope of developing a drug in 10 years or something that.


Ben Yeoh (49:02): So it's late-stage research, but not basic research. So interesting if you apply that to something malaria or antibiotic resistance, this is why actually it may not be working because of the basic research you might need on malaria or AMR. So new set of antibiotics isn't particularly being incentivized by this type of structure. Is that am I reading?


Matt Clancy (49:29): What I'm trying to say is that I think basically incentives work really well for short-term stuff and they can pull knowledge, that's close to being ready into sort of an actual technology, but if you're not there yet, if you have a longer timeframe or if we don't know how to do something exactly. I don't think incentives actually profit incentives work very well in that case. I think in that case, you need to if you want to tackle climate change, for example, but the existing technology.


Ben Yeoh (49:57): We don't know how to do it or cement it.


Matt Clancy (49:59): We don't know how to do it. And I think that funding, there's a role for funding whatever research you think is most promising for negative carbon emissions, but there's a much, much larger role relative to the other case for just funding anything because the role of spillovers is so huge and the MRNA vaccines the company was developed and had that technology ready to go because they were developing stuff for cancer to do specific gene therapy for specific cancers. But hey, it turned out to have this role here. And I'd done some newsletters about trying to quantify how important spillovers are, which is what we call that when knowledge from another, technically just another person besides the person using the knowledge, has a benefit to somebody else. So, apple doing research that benefits Google or the NIH doing research on a cell-signaling thing that turns out to have a thing for a completely different species and it completely unexpected thing. And in the long run, those things are, I think the most important thing for driving progress forward. If they kind of speak to the fact that innovation is all about doing things we don't know how to do yet, doing new things. And if we already knew how to do them, if we already, well, this is going to eventually lead to this and that's going to eventually lead to that, then it wouldn't be innovation. The whole point is we don't know what's going to lead to what. And so, if you want to tackle any one specific thing, you should just basically fund everything. If you have a long enough time horizon, that's sort of my thought.


Ben Yeoh (51:41): That's a lot more basic research and things. And my intuition is that seems a bit, right, because, we don't really have malaria. Malaria vaccines are kind of in trial and we might have MRI and A for malaria, but arguably it's been a bit slow. And that is essential because countries that have malaria, aren't going to pay very much money for it. So there's this profit thing, even though you've got some advanced purchase because it takes you 10 or 20 years and it's super risky and there's some stuff, we don't know that doesn't overcome the fact that you could develop something for malaria or you could do flu or cancer vaccines probably equally risky within what we know, but with a much bigger profit part attached to it. I actually think incidentally on over the long run, it might prove a net slightly advantageous that MRI and A came through now because my current reading is if it wasn't for something acute, the regulators would have asked for so much data now on how much MRNA data would you have wanted before you could prove it would work for you. If they're going to ask for 10 or 20 years of data that would have actually set back everything you can use MRNA for, which will actually now include cancer, malaria, and all of this would have much preferred not to have a pandemic and have a, maybe more entrepreneurial regulator, but it doesn't look, look that way, which might kind of thinks that then we thought about the corporate lab a little bit and this need for teams and specialists and things that.


Matt Clancy (53:19): And I just interrupt really quick to say the big thing is, if you also have this really long run perspective where you wanting to maximize spillovers, then I think that says a bigger role for things public agencies and things that involve the free sharing of knowledge. So maybe prizes rather than intellectual property rights, because you want to maximize people using other people's knowledge. And when you're looking at a short run, pulling something, that's close to prime time into the market, then you can start using targeted profit motive stuff because I think that works really well anyway.


Ben Yeoh (53:53): I agree if you're thinking about, say global inequity or even globalized growth, you can see it too. They could have got then actually tech transfer from richer countries to poor countries in the areas where they could do with that tech transfer actually raises everything. You diminish the inequality and you graze global growth with that would be much better suited to a public agency to do those sorts of spillovers than private which actually brings us to. So with this idea, you've got obviously us ARPA, DARPA we might have a health ARPA I don't know, you probably haven't seen, but there's been a French paper out by bland shard and Tyrol suggesting a French or European ARPA, EU ARPA. The UK has this opera called Aria. So everyone wants their own little mini-innovation agency. But if you think about the UK ARPA which I think we're calling aria, it's going to have about 500 million pounds. But it's going to need an executive director and is going to need, it doesn't really act. So there's not really looking to be missioned aligned, at least not yet. Maybe it will be, but you've been put in charge. You're now going to be the executive director or the person who appoints the executive director. What should the UK innovation agency be looking at? I mean, I guess, is it funding everything, should it, and is there a particular structure organization? How should we be thinking about innovation through that? You can choose us health ARPA fit seems the same for that.


Matt Clancy (55:35): I think the lack of a mission focus is in theory that's fine because you can just pursue whatever maximizes the public good at the best. But I think that having a mission sort of does a nice job of positioning and agency and helping it, it seems it helps coordinate it because then you draw related types of people together who have related but not over. And you have a nice metric for success and then make a nice justification for ongoing funding in the long run. Right? So if you're not going to do that, then if you're going to fund basic research, for example, basic research takes a really long time for the fruits to become clear and even, or to emerge. And they may never be clearly tracked back. So the political economy of keeping an organization going I think without a mission is sort of tricky, but in general, for all these ARPAS my position is it's good to do whatever we want. We should be spending a lot more as a society on R and D than we do. The returns are really high when you look and think of them in social terms. So we should, we could probably easily double or triple the amount we spend on R and D before we would have to worry about whether we're [Cross-Talk 57:07] wasting money. But I don't when I criticize them, I don't want to be, well, so we should just close that down. But I do think that there's sort of an excessive hope and faith being put on the ARPA model right now.


The evidence-based that we have to draw on is for two reasons, one is we've got the old ones, DARPA, we can talk about them in another, in a minute, but then the newer ones, it takes a while to figure out if these things have worked. And especially if their goal is sort of breakthrough innovation, then you need a lot of data. Because if you only need one hit every decade, then you might need decades of data before you can tell if it's a good investment, but with DARPA I'm always wondered, all right there's a couple of things that I wonder, do they make it seem it was more innovative than it really was? And then, so we were sort of doing a cargo cult thing where we're taking the form of DARPA and just assuming we'll get the same results. So one is they just spent a lot of money and maybe that was the secret sauce is just spending a lot of money, two they were able to recruit the best scientists who were really motivated by the mission of DARPA. They really believed in this survival of the United States. They were people who the people who worked for DARPA were really believed in their mission. And so, you have really smart people motivated with resources. And I think that in that kind of setting, giving them more free reign to use their judgment and not tie them up in grant reports and stuff. That sort of makes sense because they really have sort of this altruistic at least from their perspective motive, they're not going to run away with the funding, or wasn’t it.


They're really concerned about this and then the resources, and then they've got the talent. So you're going to get great results. If you don't have a mission or whatever, maybe that's harder to achieve. And then the other thing about DARPA is because they were a defense agency, they were able to keep everything classified. So all the failures we don't necessarily hear about. So there's a bit of a selection bias. And then the third thing is since everything is classified, they can work on something for decades. And then when it finally works, it sort of appears to us, XD hello, out of nothing. And it's oh my God look what they did. But if [Cross-Talk 59:42].


Ben Yeoh (59:42): It took them 27 years.


Matt Clancy (59:44): If they had not been a classified agency, other people would have been following it along and then somebody else would have picked up the so I read this one book, the Pentagon's brain and talk about how they were working on drones since the Vietnam war. And if all that stuff had been open and out there maybe some other company would've picked up the drone technology and advanced it a little bit and somebody would have been an ecosystem of people doing it. And we would have got there earlier, but it would have emerged more incrementally instead of being seen as this amazing reveal by DARPA on this particular day. And then I think the other thing DARPA had going for it was that because it was just working on different stuff than everybody else, they had a different mission. And so it was kind of working on stuff that nobody else was working on or not giving the same resources to. And so that generates also the potential for surprises just by being funding, weird stuff. Because they're not pursuing their profit motive. They're not doing basic science. They're doing some kind of orthogonal to both. And since you never know, what's going to work trying something that nobody else is trying is occasionally going to deliver these big successes that everyone's going to be really surprised by because nobody else is looking at them. So all of those factors, I feel don't necessarily hinge on the product manager with a lot of freedom to operate. And so that's kind of my hesitancy about are we putting too much faith in these things because maybe what made them work so well was a little bit idiosyncratic and is a little bit hard to replicate.


Ben Yeoh (01:00:20): These are the facts. So I agree and I think I would even put it more strongly that we are under-invested in innovation across all of these things. I would be going much, much higher given the scale of the challenges and returns to all of these aspects. And that is because I partly do think we don't capture some of the value, I said, on pain, that’s not captured within it. And I think you will see those benefits and I'm not utterly convinced that DARPA was necessarily more successful than say US venture capital. So it's the same sort of thing. But to your point, they were working on other ideas, and maybe they had a longer time horizon.


Matt Clancy (01:01:58): I would agree with that.


Ben Yeoh (01:02:01): But they did produce some other good stuff. So I just think, why don't we replicate that, but it might not have been anything special about DARPA. And I haven't heard your point about the kind of secrecy non-spillover effects on that. But I'm reflecting that quite be quite a good thing. I was always taken by two instances in deep pattern history. So one is on Japanese semiconductors where you might be aware that the Japanese patent office held up IBM semiconductor pattern in order for its local industry to get a boost up. And they really did so you, so you can see that. And actually, even going back further in time into the 18 hundred, there's a lot of work on how the dye industry for colors in say France, England, Germany around that time what patterns and things we're doing around there. And in fact, a lot of people moved to Basel in Switzerland and why we've got such strong pharmaceutical companies in Basel in Switzerland is because the dye manufacturers at the time moved over from France to avoid patents so that they could do more work. It was processed at the time and things. So I do wonder about that interplay between how long we should give patents for incentives versus the spillover effects that you get when you've got new ideas coming through. So I guess that, go on.


Matt Clancy (01:03:31): I mean, that's a classic problem. And there's this old Quip about if we were deciding today whether to start a patent system and we didn't have one, we wouldn't have enough information. We wouldn't have enough evidence to suggest that it's a good idea to one, but since we do have a patent system, we don't have enough evidence to argue, to shut it down. So might as well keep it going.


Ben Yeoh (01:03:54): My personal view is actually patented for certain things are too long and certain things that you short, but because only I can judge that on an individual basis and I feel I have that amongst certain drugs and software things, because I can see there's much more value in one and the other and then centers needed, but I can see how the system could no way ever be able to cope with differential pattern life, some things I think, that was probably only worth two years. But the incentives for new Alzheimer's, I'll give you 25 years if you can crack that because that's going to be so super valuable whereas a new type of headache pill is probably at this point in time not going to be that valuable.


Matt Clancy (01:04:36): I completely agree if we knew a good way to get to instruct a bureaucracy to implement that kind of thing, that would be ideal, but we don't know how-to, we haven't figured out a way to do it, that it wouldn't be captured or something.


Ben Yeoh (01:04:52): Exactly. I guess I have two questions that come to mind. One is in hiring people, how much do you think you need formal education for this? So this is kind of the specialized thing. And then the second nicely is an intersection of what we just said is do you think, so Anton house thinks copyright should be reformed. There's kind of a lot of copyright thinkers who think that at least copyright's a little bit too long because of that balance. And I was wondering if you had any views on patents, although I guess we've said that, that it's probably, we are where we are. We don't really have evidence one way or the other that may be tiring to the hiring. So there is some evidence, at least in history that formal education wasn't really a barrier to the invention. And in fact, lack of formal education might have led you to more invention, but more recently, to your point, it does seem that you need a little bit more specialized knowledge in certain areas. But you say, you do need patchouli this sensitivity to cross-domain ideas, which is sort of they're not formal education in whatever it is this other domain is. So I was wondering what you think about the level of formal education that you might need.


Matt Clancy (01:06:05): I think that it goes, it's related to this burden of knowledge thing in some fields you need a lot of knowledge to make meaningful contributions. And I think that sometimes I get frustrated by people who I think draw too many lessons from what we did in the distant past distant, but just in the 18 hundred or first half of the 20th century and this sort of, oh, look at all these tinkerers, these lone inventors they were. And I think, well, I think the nature of innovation for a lot of industries is just changed since then. It was possible in some days to just without formal education or without advanced degrees to just understand the mechanical system, for example. And I've really gone to these when I used to live in London, no, it was in DC. They had this thing on the longitude prize where they made these clocks to tickets see, to measure longitude. And I love those things because they're right, they're so intricate, but you can still look at them and piece out exactly how it's working and understand how the pieces perform their function. And a lot of things are not that anymore where somebody can just come in and figure out what's going on and make a meaningful contribution. There are still are fields that. So in that sense, I think that formal education is probably more important now than it was in the past that said on the other side of the equation, there's a selection effect where the kind of person who has the improving mentality or is going to want to start a company, develop new technology.


They may be, selected out of pursuing enough formal education and the kind of person who can finish, it could be self-denying enough to do they're under that they're masters to Ph.D. and two rounds of post-docs and then apply for all the grounds, play the game long enough so that you're in a position to affect change may not be the kind of person who is, there may be a very rare type of person who can do that. And also advance it, be an entrepreneur is going to advance things. So when I listened to your podcast with Anton, I remember him saying, you can have teams basically, you don't have to have, you might need some specialists with formal education and you might be able to have some other people who don't. I think that's a pretty reasonable compromise. I mean that you can have both and at the end of the day, it's not necessarily the credential that matters. It's just that you do need a lot of knowledge to advance some of these domains. And sometimes you can teach yourself and sometimes you can get an experience and work in an environment where you can learn that without needing the credential. But I think that a very common mainstream way to get the knowledge you need to solve major problems is through school.


Ben Yeoh (01:09:03): So ideally you need both an improving mindset and a reasonable degree of knowledge, if not a whole lot of knowledge, but you might not all be in the same person at the same time. Great. If you have, if you have it in your team, that might be okay too. Excellent. And then would you reform copyright or patent? Or both.


Matt Clancy (01:09:22): I mean, for copyright, I think copyright is outrageous. It's a scandal how long it is, 70 years past that, it used to be 28 years and then you could renew it once to 56. I thought that that seemed to reason. So the issue is copyright lasts right now an enormous amount of time, I think, an insane amount of time. But a patent lasts 20 years, you might ask well, why is one of them so much shorter than the other? And I think that copyright is a weaker form of protection in the sense that it protects not a patent protects sort of the idea itself. I can't just take your same thing and make some small changes and, and, I'm still violating your patent, but with copyright, I can take the idea of a boy wizard who has to fight a guy who stole some of his soul and goes to a wizard school. I can take that idea. And as long as that could be the core thing that makes that series of books popular. And I can just steal that as long as I'm not calling my characters, Harry Potter and not making them super identifiable is supposed to be the same thing. So in that sense, copyright is a weaker form of protection. So it makes sense that you get a longer period to capitalize. But I still think that the current length is crazy and is driven not by. So I remember I did this calculation once where say you're at, I can't remember what I said, say you're at 20 years and you're going to extend it to 50. If you discount the future value of money at 5% per year, what's the difference between that, as you extend it, you only get the present value of an income stream that says your book is going to sell $10,000 a year in perpetuity, the present this value at 5% is I don't know. I think it's 500,000 or something. I can't remember.


I'm doing my math wrong, sorry. But anyway, if you only have it for 9 for 20 years versus 50 years is a very small difference and so the person who it really matters to is somebody whose copyright is about to run out for them. There's an enormous difference between zero more years of protection and another 15 years of protection. And so they have an intense incentive to lobby to extend copyright, and they've been successfully doing that around the world. And the problem is that it has no impact or such a small impact on the reason we have copyright, which is to motivate people to create new things because of all that. And I think it just locks up ideas that would be profitable, recycled and remixed, and stuff like that. So I would love to go back to drastically shorter copyright I don't know, 50 years at the max. And I would, I don't know, I could be convinced that's something that is appropriate, but my bias is towards something that's more the length of the pad as for patents, I don't have as much to say, I think it's a lot fuzzier what the appropriate length is. We've already kind of alluded to some of these things. I think that they do lock up ideas. I think that a lot of patents are a net drag on innovation rather than a benefit, but there are some domains where patents are really important and innovations probably wouldn't happen in some kinds of fields without patent protection.


Ben Yeoh (01:13:04): No, I agree. I think on copyright special interests, essentially publishers and the maybe artists in the top note, 0.1% have this laptop, the average says artist or writer, it does seem to be harmed by it. And then you've got these orphan works and all of this, and it hasn't kept up to date with technology, the way that all I think that's all right, but I am intrigued on patterns because actually if you go back before we had tripped and all of the patent system, much wider variety on pattern length terms. And you say, actually in hindsight, you can identify what maybe deserves longer and deserve shorter, but I don't know of any bureaucracy, which could, which could handle that.


Matt Clancy (01:13:53): Yes, I mean, because, you would want to have it be based on something, you want to provide sufficient incentives. So, you can have longer copyright if you need more money if you need more time to recoup your investment at a reasonable rate or something that. But who's going to tell you the honest length of time it took them. How are you going to monitor that?


Ben Yeoh (01:14:12): And exactly, I mean, I spent quite a long time looking at biopharmaceutical patents, and there's maybe there's any handful of us in the world. You can really look at and assess that you've got process patterns, substance patterns, and crystallization patterns. Then you look at health economics. Was it incremental? Did they really do it? Was it a family? Were they building on other classes and things and all of this knowledge and we judge about whether it's valid or not, or how much prior art and things. ? And this is the whole specialist knowledge that's maybe for each individual drug class has maybe a thousand people who really understand what that value is and they can reasonably disagree within some balance.


Matt Clancy (01:14:50): So, this is a good point for me to ask you a question then. So, if I was asked what's an area that really seems to depend on pants? I would have said pharmaceutical. Innovation pharmaceutical seems one of the best arguments you could make for the value of patents. And I would've said it's because most of the value created by a drug is the knowledge that it is safe and effective, not necessarily how you manufacture it. And so, it's hard to protect that knowledge. Once it's out there you need a patent to protect it because otherwise, everyone does oh, this compound, we now know cures headaches, and doesn't cause any side effects so we can make it and sell it too. But since you're a person who reads patents and pharmaceuticals and this whole, what is your take on the value of patents in medicine?


Ben Yeoh (01:15:38): So, I agree. There are quite a few complexities. One of the most obvious ones actually is that roughly 20 years living on your pattern from when you discover, say the white powder drug or say the MRNA formulation, but on average, it's taking you eight to 12 years to get it through regulatory development. So, your effective commercial patent life on average is getting can vary. It's actually only 10 years. So even when you compare it to the software family patterns, because your development cycles much quicker, you've got way less time. And if you compare it to say software patterns, you've got this kind of a family pattern and you build on that and you can kind of keep hold of that as the large tech companies have almost in perpetuity, right? Which would you call them do within pharma, at least with white powder chemicals, slightly different for biological, but for white powder, once you have the chemical structure and that's known, and then your pattern is gone, it can be copied for you say, the actual chemical manufacturing is extremely cheap, quite cost you a few cents for something then that is not where the value accretion has occurred?


But then because it's only actually 10 years commercial life, you have all of these, the stranger effects of where you try and play essentially patent games to get more life because, because of that value. But fundamentally if you could, you can tell what we would what I would call sort of unmet medical need. Or you could translate that into health economics, where you could see that if you had a cure for cancer Alzheimer's, or malaria, that is more valuable than a headache pill today. So arguably I can give you a 30-year patent and say you've got a cure for Alzheimer's. I can give you a 30-year patent and the NPV, the net present value to humanity is still going to be enormously large, whereas headache pills, given what we have and where we are today, I'll give you two or three years to do something.


If you could do some incrementally better, but quite frankly, you're not that much better than ibuprofen or aspirin or something else. So actually, I don't really need to incentivize you to do anything else because society has something decent, but we have nothing for Alzheimer's is nothing for malaria. And in fact, you can go on because there's quite a lot of health care needs. And so, I would want to incentivize you more. Yes, you can do this maybe with some advanced purchase commitments and other things, but they are way not as good as patents to do with the fact that you need also them to do. As you alluded to earlier, the basic research stuff in some of these areas, particularly in say the brain sciences, Alzheimer's schizophrenia, depression, and you can go on and on where we still don't understand that basic research and some of that's coming out of universities and other publicly funded, but some of that could come really nicely out of corporate labs if they had the incentive to be able to do that because of the long time horizon and also an incredible which people don't understand.


So again, 10 years that it takes you when you discover the white powder drug and before you've put it in humans, your average chance of success is around about 1%. So, you've only got a one in a hundred chance and it's going to cost you anywhere between 500 million to 2 billion to develop that. So, this is why also it probably doesn't suit governments because governments can't afford to spend a billion on something and turn to the public and go, well, you know what? We knew as a one in a hundred chance, the MPV would be great if it was outsiders, but you know what, we, we wasted that billion. We did get some spillovers, but you can't count that. And so again, patents uniquely do that.


Matt Clancy (01:19:17): That reminds me so there's this, the typical view of why we have patents is you do all this R and D, somebody can copy you. And so, you need protection to charge a price above costs for a little bit of time, make a profit. … To make a profit, to compensate you for the R and D you did it. They call this the reward function of patents, but there's this other perspective by a guy named (Edmund Kitch) that he calls the prospect function of patents. And that's sort of what you were saying, where one of the roles of pens is actually to carve out space for an organization to develop a product that actually isn't ready to sell yet knowing that.


They can kind of work freely in this domain without worrying that somebody going to take their ideas and also to prevent the duplication of effort. So, for example, if we gave Alzheimer's patent for, you said, maybe 40 years to some company, and that company has a long-time horizon that it knows all research that it does relate to the mechanism that it has the patent for is it's to work on. And so, it's kind of the likens it to giving a land claim for a mine, the person who owns the mind has the incentive to develop it and go down and dig and do all that stuff because they know that they get to own, whatever comes out of that. And by giving a patent to an organization, to a specific pharma company, we prevent duplicative wasteful effort, people trying to do research on the same mechanism at the same time, they can do other things, knowing that that company is doing its own thing. And so, I've heard people say that that function of patents is actually pretty, it works pretty well still or coordinating research. So, what those guys think.


Ben Yeoh (01:21:08): So, it works really well and pharmaceuticals to take the Alzheimer's example. So, you've got something called amyloid-beta, which is one big hypothesis within Alzheimer's. So, say you locked up the Abita hypothesis or other people could do other APETA mechanisms. But you were given a 40-year claim on that. A lot of people would then look at outsiders, but look at another mechanism that wouldn't compete within that class. But you know that Alzheimer's is really valuable. There's actually a very current debate because USFDA has approved an Alzheimer's drug, which scientists debate its value for in that particular drug. But it's really interesting that you can see it has very much excited companies and investors for follow on drugs. So, the actual benefit to society is at least in my view, unlikely to be in this particular drug, which has got pros and cons, but with the follow-up incentives, because people look on, what I'm not canceling my face to 50 50 Alzheimer's program, I'm going to invest in it more because I naturally now know that the regulatory barrier to this was not as high as I perhaps thought which is a kind of interesting thing.


The flip side saying that maybe that mechanism of action is not the one to go for. So, this brings me to we can do a little bit in honor of emergent ventures and Tyler Cowen, a game of underrated overrated. The little trick here is what we do is what you might've heard this on one of the others one is what may be phantom Tyler might think so you can try whether you think it's underrated, overrated. And then what do you think that Tyler would think? So, this is the idea that we don't actually need the real version of Tyler. We can just have the version of Tyler in our head, and he might scale maybe a little bit better than you would have thought he doesn't, he can't actually be everywhere at once.


Matt Clancy (01:23:07): All right. Exciting to get to play overrated underrated. I never got to play this one.


Ben Yeoh (01:23:11): Let’s start with agglomeration effects. So maybe city agglomeration effects. Do you think overrated, underrated?


Matt Clancy (01:23:21): I am, I totally think these are overrated. This is my whole thing. That doesn't mean that I think that they're zero or that.


Ben Yeoh (01:23:29): They're are just overrated.


Matt Clancy (01:23:31): I think they're overrated though. I think though that the world is catching up a bit with having seen that remote work functions, not just for six weeks, but for over a year without notable huge downsides or anything. And I think that the thing that's interesting is you can see this, I had written a paper trying to synthesize a lot of stuff about remote work. And one of them was about knowledge spillovers and very few papers try to measure how knowledge spillovers, which is people learning from other people who are geographically close from them, but maybe not in the same firm or, or whatever. Very few papers try to have tried to measure how that has changed over time, because there's just kind of been this assumption that, well, what's interesting is what is it? And then we just kind of assume that it stays that for decades. But when papers do try to measure how it's changed over time, they tend to find that it's been declining for decades. The propensity to site patents that are local declining, the propensity to incorporate words for new technologies used to be much higher in big cities rather than media in cities. Other stuff, I don't know, you can look at academics, citing papers that are close or far away in their department. The value they get from moving to a high department has been in terms of their own personal productivity has been declining.


I think there's lots of evidence that the internet and travel have basically eroded the value of being physically co-located in the same city as other knowledge workers. They haven't eliminated it, but it is a lot less than people think. And the reason that's important is that there are countervailing benefits to not being agglomerated that when the benefits of agglomeration begin to fall, those other benefits may start to become dominant. For example, the ability to pick just the right person for the position the right specialist, if you're not limited to your local labor market, I think becomes even more important as this burden of knowledge problem happens, I need to get just the right person who knows just about the right kind of thing. And they may not live in my city. And if we don't benefit that much from being physically co-located, it might be a lot better for me to get the right person rather than the person who I could work with close. So that's my little rant on agglomeration. Great. So, you'd


Ben Yeoh (01:26:06): What would tie say? Well, I guess that means you're then cautiously pretty optimistic about remote working and probably all of the fasts on innovation clusters. It's a thing, but actually, it's of a diminishing return. I don't know what would Tyler say.


Matt Clancy (01:26:21): I don't know what Tyler was saying, I don't know if he's written about agglomeration effects before. I'm trying to think. But I think that he would say they are either, I think he's maybe opposite from me or at least thinks that the conventional wisdom is correct. He talks about the Vienna circle and sort of the value of these highly innovative cities and trying to figure out what made them special. And so, he might be more cautious than me about.


Ben Yeoh (01:26:48): I know he's very pro traveled, but I'm not sure about, I'm not sure about the collaboration. Well, we'll see. Go for GDP as a measure.


Matt Clancy (01:27:03): GDP as a measure, I think I've got the boring consensus. You have an economist, which is terrible, but except for everything else, it's correlated with lots of stuff that people do care about. And so that should give us some confidence in it. It misses a lot. I think if you're aware of what it's missing, you wouldn't want to fetishize it where you start to focus only on it and ignore everything else. But it's very incorporating that other stuff just added extra layers of complexity and subjectivity. If you're trying to incorporate measures of wellbeing, there is some kind of that reminds me of a quote from there's an innovation economist, Alberto Galasso. And I don't think you'll get mad if I share it, but I was asking him once, what do you think about patents as a measure of innovation? Because this is a big debate among economists who study innovation, that patents are this terrible. Are they good? Are they good enough? Is there a super misleading measure of innovation? And he was sort of, this really frustrates me because, nobody bothers all the economists who use GDP, but it's not that's perfect. So, we always get this question, but I'm not sure those other guys do anyway. Is it overrated or underrated? I'd say it's correctly rated. Most people have that view.


Ben Yeoh (01:28:33): That’s a fact.


Matt Clancy (01:28:33): And what would Tyler say. I think he would, I think echo a lot of the same concerns. He's got his wealth plus concept in stubborn attachments. So that's, I think he would probably be, have a similar take that's my guess.


Ben Yeoh (01:28:50): I'd agree. Although I do think he notes that GDP does correlate with so many things that we do actually think are great. So, he would probably say, show me something better, which I guess is the same with TFP, I guess is the same with democracy. Right? Show me a better system. We know it's pretty imperfect, but until I see something better, I'm going to.


Matt Clancy (01:29:09): I don't know if there's not much appetite at the moment for overturning it and changing it to something else., I don't know. I haven't heard a lot of calls.


Ben Yeoh (01:29:19): There is a New Zealand living budget, which I think is the cooker that you're going to get to look at something which is GDP plus, which is being done seriously by a country and looked at by that government economists and things to look at that. But essentially, it's what I say, essentially it is trying to put natural capital and human capital elements and how they think about it. So that would be a step on, but it's not, completely different to what, to what you would think. Over genes or what you guys would call eggplant particularly maybe with OB-GYN yields or crop yields.


Matt Clancy (01:30:02): I don't know that much about it, I know that there was, I believe there's a famous paper about GMO over genes that found that they were the GMOs was spectacular for a developing country context. And so that's good in general. I'm pretty happy with GMOs as for Aboriginals. I think that they're probably a little underrated, at least in the USA, there just as a food. They not part of the staple of any main meals are prepared.


Ben Yeoh (01:30:43): Pretty good. And I get it, it'd be pretty good for yields as well. I don't know what Tyler would think about everything.


Matt Clancy (01:30:51): It's hard for me to guess because he's having too many sophisticated views on the food, I guess. 


Ben Yeoh (01:30:57): I would go underrated because I think he thinks a lot of food, in general, is underrated. NFTS or non-fungible tokens. This is blockchain-type thinking.


Matt Clancy (01:31:14): This is tricky, there's obviously with all crypto things, there's this huge polarization where it's probably massively overrated by people in the committee or at least overrated to some extent by people. I don't want to say massive necessarily. And then maybe underrated by other people. It's something because there's this huge polarization of people who think that it's just, I don't agree with people who think that they're just a STAM, that there's nothing to it. But also, I guess one view I have on crypto is that I think people who are crypto enthusiasts maybe underrate how long it's going to take these ideas to become mainstream, have a significant impact. New technologies just tend to take decades to wind through an economy and for people to figure out how best to deploy and use them.


And over that timeframe can be really significant. And we've kind of got a weird case where remote work has leaped forward probably several years in the future because we had these crazy events where we all had to use this new technology. If we had done in the 18 hundred that there had been some disease that came from steam engines, but not from electricity or something, how that would have changed, accelerated the transition to electrification or whatever. And that's an outlier, how quickly people are adopting remote work and moving to these remote-first companies. I think that's a really weird thing. And other technologies NFTs are going to take longer, but there's this. I read this newsletter from a guy packing McCormick and he used an NFT to try to allocate revenue from a product from a newsletter. He wrote to people which I thought was an interesting idea.


Ben Yeoh (01:33:11): What do you think  Phantom Tyler would say?


Matt Clancy (01:33:15): I think, so I think he's often said, crypto stuff he's waiting for a really good use case for them. And this being a potential use case maybe he thinks that this is a good thing, on the other hand maybe he wants to do with his other crypto usual concerns. So maybe he thinks that they're slightly underrated, but I could be, I have low confidence in that.


Ben Yeoh (01:33:49): I think you'd think they are underrated, but I agree with you that they probably are overrated if you are a guy with laser eyes, but actually for the average person in the street actually don't really touch crypto. So, for them, it is underrated. And I do think NFTs do have a genuine use case. I don't know how large it will be, but it is. I think it is genuine. Maybe the last one on the overrated, underrated science fiction.


Matt Clancy (01:34:17): Oh, science fiction. I think I think for it to be underrated, it would have to mean that people who would like science fiction are not reading, are avoiding it because they underrate it. And if they just gave it a try, they would really like it. And there's some newer science fiction. There's like newer, maybe it's not new, but there's science fiction that's being done by authors who do not traditionally are not story genre writers and they've started dabbling in it. And I think that stuff appeals to people who don't traditionally science fiction. But I do think that people who think of hardcore genre science fiction, which I like, I should say, I'm organizing an econ, Twitter, science fiction reading thing and we're reading a deepness in the sky, a book by burner Benjie, which is amazing. And everyone should read it who is interested in this kind of thing. Because that's the thing. I think that a lot of people who think they wouldn't science fiction, I mean obviously if they could get the right book point, but if they picked something off the shelf, I wouldn't be surprised if they are, I don't like it because it does have genre science fiction is very preoccupied with certain kinds of things that if you're the kind of person who's also preoccupied with them that are fantastic. But if you correctly understand that you're not, you're probably not going to like it that much deepness in the sky is very great if you're interested and how very long run science and technology, how that's going to look for the human race or kind of economics has innovation questions and stuff that. But if do you think that's all boring and you just want a story about somebody's internal journey, that's not the place to go.


Ben Yeoh (01:36:25): Surely that means it's underrated because more people should be thinking about the very long term and innovation question.


Matt Clancy (01:36:30): That's a good point. That's a good argument to say that it would be good for more people to read optimistic science fiction or at least I would say I think that's probably true. And I think that it would probably be good if we could make more high-quality optimistic science fiction television, that will probably have a bigger impact than more reading.


Ben Yeoh (01:36:53): And Phantom Tyler.


Matt Clancy (01:36:58): I don't know, Tyler, it's really hard to guess Tyler's reading.


Ben Yeoh (01:37:02): You think.


Matt Clancy (01:37:05): But I think for the reasons you said he might be optimist; I agree with what you said


Ben Yeoh (01:37:09): I'm a strong conviction on science-fiction he would definitely think science fiction is underrated for all of those reasons. And also, because I think he is a science fiction reader, but that's my guest.


Matt Clancy (01:37:23): Cool, cool.


Ben Yeoh (01:37:24): So maybe turning to the slightly personal career journey is what do you think maybe physics and religious studies have informed you to do anything with economics or also because I know you studied some of that, this idea that you can, I guess there's a kind of liberal arts thing, but this idea that you can swap specialisms or have things across domain has that been useful to you?


Matt Clancy (01:37:52): I when I was in high school, I was really interested in world religions basically, what do all the different religions and sort of this view that all the different religions are sort of trying to find the same core truth and they're all approaching it from different angles. And so that was a question I really wanted to pursue in college. And I went and did religious studies but my parents were very wise, but this is a poor career strategy. And they encouraged me to do something quantitative. And so, I compromised by doing a double degree in religious studies and physics, because I figured this would be a pincher, a talk on truth anyway, we'd learn about the nature of the universe from both sides. And I think that that experience definitely informed who I am I'm not particularly religious right now or a physics person. So, I don't know, read into that as you were, but what did I take away in terms of economics? The reason I went into economics is I didn't really know anything about what economics as a field was. When I was an undergrad, I didn't know any economists really, and I never read popular economics books. It was just something that existed on the wall street journal page or something. And I read Atlas shrugged and guns, germs, and steel when I was a junior, trying to figure out what I was going to do. Because I had decided I wasn't going to be a religious studies scholar or a physics scholar.


And it's not I buy and rants objectivism or anything that, but it was the first time I'd been exposed to thinking of economics as this sort of engine that runs the world as it's super important. And then guns, germs, and steel wire, you can study big, important questions about society, very quantitatively. And so religious studies are the study of world religions and we read a lot of texts, but it's, in some ways it's not a quantity. It wasn't a quantitative field as I was taught, physics was super quantitative. And realizing that these two things could kindly go together and that they might go together in the field of economics, was what brought me to that field. It's an important thing and it's quantitative and rigorous, not that other stuff can't be rigorous too, but that was my bias, I guess. And that's what led me to choose to become an economist. And I think that's all been proven correct. What do I still take away from it? I mean I still read pop physics books. I try to keep up with physics and I still do think about very ultimate questions. It's not I read about them on my sub stack, but I don't know if they're better than anybody else's, but I still think about those things. I think they give you a useful big picture about what do you want to do with your career and your life?


Ben Yeoh (01:41:02): And I think you studied in London and Cambridge. How does that compare to Iowa or even the US versus the UK, but there is something specific about it, I see the London, Cambridge, Oxford Southeast is probably considered the only UK agglomeration thing on that, but very different Cambridge, I guess.


Matt Clancy (01:41:27): They were very different. I mean, how I got into it was I knew that I wanted to study economics. I had no training in economics except for one class that I took and an online class that I took and books that I read. And the University of Cambridge offers this program called the diploma and economics, which is designed for people in that position. It's a compressed one-year undergraduate education in economics for people who have an undergraduate degree in something else. And then the goal is that it's the first year, then the next year you can go on and get a master's or something. So, I did my master's at the London school of economics, and I worked as an economic analyst. So that's, that's what took me to the UK is just to, did this degree.


But also, I had studied abroad in Ireland and really enjoyed the experience of living somewhere besides the United States. And so, I was really open to trying something different. It’s a very different system. The US system is very piecemeal or spaced out. We have lots of little assignments that are evaluated and count towards your grade throughout the entire semester. And so, the final is maybe it wouldn't be uncommon for the final exam to be, 15% of your total mark and everything else is from midterm exams and homework that you did and participation and a bunch of other, a huge mix of stuff. And then both universities of Cambridge and London School of economics, that was all just an end-of-year exam was pretty much the entirely everything. And so, the first year at Cambridge, I didn't do particularly, I did fine, but I didn't do great on my exams because I had no idea how to sort of study for these kinds of high stakes, everything exams.


And so that was a learning curve, but I think I got over from London school of economics, I figured out how to productively study for that kind of thing. But then the funny thing is, so now I teach at Iowa state university and I have slowly gone from a more UK style to a more US-style and how I teach my own classes. Because the thing I about the UK style is it's very I don't know, there is a moment in time when you sort of, in theory, know everything that, you studied in that year, whereas in the US you can count on things to kind of filter in one ear and out the other, they go on the exam and, maybe you suffer a penalty because, at the end of the semester, you can't remember, but that's only 10% of your grade or something that. Or you cram and you get a little bit, but with the UK system, you really know everything at that moment. And it's a nice system, all right, at least at this one moment in time, this is a good measure of what this person learned over the year. I tried to do a system like that in the US where most of the exams for almost all your weight, and then you could get some extra credit from doing the homework as a way to incentivize people, to keep doing the homework in a culture where people are not used to the idea that if they haven't had the experience of not doing it and then getting burned at the end of the semester, and it didn't work at all, [Inaudible1:00:44:28] was too hard, the culture, the expectation of students is just too different, in a class where they're not being continually evaluated on things they have opportunity costs and there are other classes where they are being evaluated on stuff at the moment. So the stuff in the class that it's only the final gets shunted down the way. And it just, and then they don't have experience with knowing how badly that will burn them. And so, then I didn't, I don't do that anymore, but I still think that there's merit. I think there's merit to it, but it's also very high stress and high stakes.


Ben Yeoh (01:45:10): It's different, but I do think, I think there are pros and cons about the UK system is because you do need to basically assess yourself whether you think, something all the way along the year to get to that endpoint. And actually, that sometimes reflects things in companies because depending on the companies or even whatever walk in life is you need actually a particularly brilliant manager or whoever's above you to be able to give you constant feedback, to tell you that you're doing. You could do this project this month, a week. Usually, the average worker doesn't get told anything and they might have a big project or not, but generally, you don't know what you're doing. Maybe you have an annual review. It's more companies that really even have annual reviews. So, unless you've got a built-up some way of knowing how you're doing, you actually then tend not to do that well, and that's something you have to do on the job. On the other hand, you’re having the big project at the end that doesn't always the same as all companies, but that sense of being your own self-evaluator as opposed to I just took a quiz every week. So, I knew and had to do it is a kind of different way of thinking, which is interesting. I don't know which ones better.


Matt Clancy (01:46:20): I that the UK system also builds in autonomy and you have to self-motivate and you have to decide on your own study. And I think those are good skills to learn for life. Whereas the US system can just follow the plan laid out for you by the instructor. And then when you graduated and you don't have a plan anymore, you might in [Inaudible 01:46:43].


Ben Yeoh (01:46:45): Great. A couple of last things, I think one I'd love to hear you on about remote work. But maybe before that, because I know you studied a little bit in Sub-Sahara Africa, also some countries there I've been interested. Do you think there's anything we particularly misunderstand about Sub-Sahara Africa? I'm sure there are lots but something which you kind of see, if you could understand this it would just give you a lot better insight because I guess most people don't.


Matt Clancy (01:47:15): It's tough. I mean, for Sub-Saharan Africa, that was my first job. And it was kind of assigned to me. I went to work for this company to be an economic analyst and they were, you will have these countries. And so, I didn't, have a pre-existing knowledge or expertise in them. And I was always nervous about, if I had sufficient depth of knowledge over this thing, I think one big thing is just that, it's an enormous diverse place. Africa is not a country, its many countries, it's enormous. It has that probably one big misconception or I mean people know that I suppose, but they don't realize it and they think it's just sort of Africa. But that all leave it at that because, to be honest, this company never even paid for me to visit. And I don't know. I don't want to speak out of term basically.


Ben Yeoh (01:48:24): And so remote work, so you've done some interesting stuff, actually, what you've got to find off a separate blog, because it's not all on your substack, but your I get the sense, pretty cautiously optimistic about both the emerging work and what it might mean for people. So, I don't know whether you want to sum up what your current thinking is about how remote work might work in the future for us?


Matt Clancy (01:48:48): I've been working on remote work for a couple of years before the Corona virus. And it started because I live in Iowa, which is in central United States. It's a small primarily agricultural state with these problems of declining population. And what is what jobs can be done, especially we don't have a major urban city, they don't have a big city the biggest city is under a million people. And there've been all these, this is sort of in the era when Trump had been elected and there was all this talk about the urban-rural divide. And there were a number of plans that have been put out about ways to sort of revitalizing parts of America that are not you're muted there, but ways to revitalize the parts of America that I've been left behind by agglomeration forces and stuff. And I just thought that most of the plans that were suggested were, I wasn't really happy with them. So, there were plans to sort of make research centers, instead of in a few cities make pick 20 different research centers, or maybe even just 10 around the country and pour research money into those places, or revitalized small liberal arts college towns and, or just give people money to move to the big cities. And I didn't think that these were very good, but I thought remote work was potentially useful. If you can do the jobs of the agglomeration economies without having to live in them. This is a way to sort of tether left behind regions to the modern economy. And so, I started getting into that and I knew I had some personal experience working remotely in my previous job in the department of agriculture.


And I had been always paying attention to this issue of knowledge spillovers. And so, I started looking a lot more and I thought that there was basically a good case to be made that the outlook for remote work was a lot stronger than people appreciated, because I felt the arguments for remote work, this is all pre coronavirus were fragmented across many different social science domains. And there weren't people who had attempted to pull all the threads together, you have economists, or labor economists to study remote work directly. And they do experiments where they sort of see how well do people work when they work at home versus in the office. And they do experiments where they randomize people to one or two arms of this treatment. And they tended to find that remote work was pretty effective.


Often, they would find more effective than people in the office. So that was one strand of literature and they were kind of advocating for it, but they weren't. It wasn't they were super passionate about it. Then you had other people who were working on online labor markets and developing algorithms to match workers to firms or working for Up work business guy, John Horton who's worked on experiments on the design of the Up-work platform to match remote freelancers to things. And other people who've looked at the effect of the internet on job search and just all this stuff, basically that finds that how does the internet facilitate job search? And one of the problems with remote work has been well, even if you can do the job remotely, how do you find the job that's a good fit? And one of the promises of remote work is that you'll be able to hire just the right person for this job.


They're not local, but if you don't know where they are, if they're not, how do you find them? And with online labor markets and algorithmic recommendations that problem starts to get solved. And then on the third side, you have people who do study online social networks, and they're looking at the geographic footprint of our social networks and how that's expanding. And so, whether these things let us. How many of my friends live close and how many of them are far away and I don't think there's exactly work on remote work there, but just the idea that people tend to meet people who live nearby. But when they move away, there's a lot of those connections that seem to persist pretty well. And I think it's because of all the modern technology that makes it easy to stay in contact. And so, a lot of jobs are found through these informal social networks. And if your informal social network is now spread out geographically, that becomes another avenue. And then the last piece of the puzzle was just the knowledge spillovers I knew had been falling for a while. I tried to write a comprehensive survey of all these different things and put them in one place and say, look the case for remote work is a lot stronger than any one of these individual groups recognizing because all these things go together. And it's basically the case that the technology for performing work remotely has gotten a lot better. And so, you can, many jobs can be done remotely pretty well. We've done experiments on different kinds of works. And that seems to be the case. And even if I'm only 95% or 90% as effective working remotely as I am in the office if you can find the person who's 20% better, because they're not local, then that's good for the firm.


Or you can think about if I'm only 90% as effective, but I don't have to commute at all then on a per hour basis, that makes sense for me to just stay home and you can change my compensation maybe or something so that you're getting the same value for money. And basically, I wrote the case for remote work. I had started it and then coronavirus hit and I better get this thing out quick. And then I feel that has been so vindicated that it's almost boring now. Maybe it's a little bit too much, too soon to say, but I think everyone’s, everything that's been followed up, there's been a lot of work since then. And workers are pretty much across the board. It works better than we thought and is productive. And a lot of people say they're more productive working at home. Companies are realizing this and I don't know. It's a very weird case. I thought this is going to play out over decades and that we should incrementally make policies that make remote work easier. But instead, we had this huge shock that happened. Looking forward I think the biggest unknown about remote work is about the formation of social networks, informal social networks. Right now, we're kind of riding on the capital, the social capital developed from lifetimes of working in the office and in cities. And that has all these benefits of I go to parties with my coworkers and I meet their friends. And if it's a city that's a cluster, they might work in the same industry or a related industry.


And we build this whole network up. And that's a really valuable thing because that can give me a job recommendation. That can be a place I turn to for advice about, should I hire this person? Are they really good? I'm sorry if I have a question about an area of technical capability, I know people who I can ask, I am aware that there might be technical capabilities that I could use for some new innovation because I talked about it at a party. And if we all scatter which I don't think we're going to all scatter, but is that going to slow down innovation? And I think the big unknown is how much of that can be recreated with the internet. I have made a lot of professional contacts through Twitter and Twitter is in some ways a bar that you hang out and randomly meet people.  And the thing about Twitter is a lot of the interactions are not as good as if you were co-located. Face-To-Face they're more fleeting. It's harder to form a deep connection, but you are interacting with an order of magnitude, more people. And so, I think we don't know to what extent those things balance out. And then, you have things other social networks, you have conferences, people would go to, and they could maybe do all their socializing in one place there. And then, meet a bunch of people. And in the past, I would have met them, but nothing much would have come of it. But now I meet a bunch of people and we keep in contact over Twitter and Facebook or email. And so, I'm able to form informal social networks in that way, almost as efficiently as if we all lived in the same city. And I think that we just don't know, this is the big unknown, but I think it is probably important. I still think that even if it turns out we can't form informal social networks as well online, or, maybe that's a big demerit, there's still a lot recommending remote work because it has all these other advantages that are sort of compensating. But that's my current big concern about the future of remote work is that side of it.


Ben Yeoh (01:57:52): I think that's fair. I think there will be these compensating, but that weak tie, social network, the serendipity, and also for a category of jobs where you need what I would say you need to face to face works better. A classic example would be a master carpenter. So, if a master comes to write their stuff in a book, probably you can't really follow it. Maybe a bit. You probably can learn a reasonable amount if you follow them on video. So, YouTube would help, but you obviously added a lot more, if you can actually be in the same room and follow them. And there might be a class of the things, the soft skills, knowledge process, and know-how that you need from master carpentry, but actually, that master carpentry category of jobs might be smaller than we thought, or rather that the category of jobs where the video is good enough.


The video might not work for master carpentry, but it probably works for baking a cake, might not work for a chef, but it might work for these other things. I think that's true. The one other thing I would say that actually, I think seeing your business leaders who, what I would say maybe for more old school industries or have older school ties are less keen on remote work. Hybrid. I don't know because I think that's where the compromise is going to be, but actually, if your tech Silicon Valley or you're, whatever, the CEO of gravity payments or Coin base you want virtually remote anyway, beforehand, you've done that. But actually, the CEO of JP Morgan, much more reticent. So those are my two reflections on that.


Matt Clancy (01:59:32): I think that the people who grew up who became CEOs in the old system obviously are people who know how to flourish in a certain domain. And you wouldn't expect that they're necessarily going to be the people who would also flourish to the same extent in a different kind of organization. So that was one reason I always thought there's going to be a slow thing to play out because it would be led by companies forming from the beginning. And then you'd have this ever-growing cohort of people who have experienced managing and leading remote companies. And they would spread out. Now we're in this weird situation where you have this. We're having companies that existed and were set up for one way deciding to switch because for these kinds of reasons, and they paid the switching costs in terms of the developed processes to do things remotely. And they've invested in the equipment coronavirus forced them to do that. But in some way, they being remote-first isn't necessarily in their DNA in the same way it would be for another company. And as to your first point, that's probably something I should have said right at the beginning, I don't think there's ever going to be a hundred percent well ever in a long time. But in the next few decades, I don't see us going a hundred percent broke remote at all. I sort of target well, 20 to 30% of workers being full, being mostly remote. And I think that's thing is still a huge change. You had some new industry that was 20% of people and it could be done from anywhere. It seems that's a really good thing for places like Iowa and so on.


Ben Yeoh (02:01:08): And whole categories of jobs, call center to the extent that it wasn't going to go AI, and you still think actually, what a person would be better than the person at home can completely do. Maybe that remotely on that. So, I do think that's true.


Matt Clancy (02:01:23): What you're saying also about the value of being a face to face. I totally agree with that. That's one thing that I changed my mind about doing all those researches is when I first started, what do you really need to be face-to-face for? When in the era of zoom, it's just people being Luddites or something, but reading more and it just continually comes up again, that even knowledge workers who are comfortable with it, they like to have occasional in-person things. WordPress has been fully remote for 20 years or whatever, but I think they have quarterly things where teams get together in person because there's a study of Google and they have people working all over the world and they talk about how valuable it is to have when you're starting a new project, to get everybody in one place to get on the same page.


And then you kind of figure out the roles and the project, the tasks that need to be done. And then it's a lot easier to them in the sense you're sort of breaking the problem down into discrete chunks that then makes sense to do remotely where people can focus. But I think that a fully remote, it's not everybody it's never going to be everyone and it's not even going to be that people never see each other. They just will see each other intensely for short periods of time. And then most of the time they won't at least in person, that's kind of how I think it's really to evolve. And then as you said, for the hybrid. Hybrid is, I don't know, it's a little bit risky. It's sort of in some ways it's halfway between the two, but you can very easily end up in a worst of all world's situation that hopefully, firms are going to try hard to avoid because you have to live in the region, you have to live within commuting distance. You're limited to the local labor population. And you have to, you have to commit to establishing processes so that remote workers can do things effectively. So


Ben Yeoh (02:03:15): You might as well be in person. It's kind of all that.


Matt Clancy (02:03:18):

So anyway, that's, that's the risk.


Ben Yeoh (02:03:21): I can see that. Actually, I didn't think about the risk burden of hybrid as much. Great. Last question, which is what does a productive day or week look like for you?


Matt Clancy (02:03:37): I am trying to write a new post for new things under the sun about every seven business days. It’s about 10 days on average. And I do a mix of reading for that and then writing for that. And then I have other projects and I think I don't have a hard time staying focused because I have three kids and when I dropped them off at daycare, versus when I picked him up is the only time to really get things done. And I worked pretty intensely for that middle period. And then I'm too frazzled to do much outside of those areas. I'm usually reading or writing. I think one thing that's interesting about doing the newsletter is I'm trying to synthesize and write about existing work. That's, invariably very high-quality cause that's why I chose to write about it. And I didn't really realize this until I was working on my own research project recently and had that feeling of thinking things are going really well. And then about three hours later, realizing that you made an error and everything was a waste. And I didn't realize, but the safety or I don't know, the risk is lower of me, I'm always producing stuff that I think is valuable. I'm doing it more often now rather than doing these really uncertain things. I think that's what a productive day looks like for me. Drop the kids off, read or write until five answer emails and go to meetings is less productive. It feels less productive. It probably needs to be done anyway. And that's it.


Ben Yeoh (02:05:24): And the occasional podcast.


Matt Clancy (02:05:25): That's right. I love it.


Ben Yeoh (02:05:27): Great. Well with that. Thank you very much. I think that was an amazing conversation. And please check the link down below and subscribe to Matt's substack. Thank you very much.


Matt Clancy (02:05:39): Thank you very much.

In Economics, Investing, Podcast Tags Innovation, Matt Clancy, Remote Work, Copyright, Patents
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